It is important that every public archaeologist, and every archaeologist, has a basic under-standing of both archaeological economics and how archaeology oper-ates as an economic asset

Some have suggested legal trades in antiquities (Wilkening and Kremer 2007), arguing that regulated market forces based around long-term leases would generate revenues to protect antiquities and decrease the black market

One report claims that the economic impact of the maintenance and repair of historic buildings in the UK is worth £11 bil-lion in GDP

Fund calculated that tourism to 500 heritage sites in the developing world was worth US$24.6 billion in 2010, which would increase to over US$100 billion in 2025

While the basic method of economic impact assessments is common, the range of factors and data involved mean there is ample opportunity for error, either mistaken or deliberate for political ends

While significant amounts of people valued viewing Stonehenge from the road, the mean bid per household for the tunnel options was £8.90 per household, as compared to £2.69 for maintaining the current sce-nario. When spread out to the UK population (taking into account back-ground support for the project) the net heritage benefit of constructing the tunnel was found to be £144 million.

Yale returned “some of the artifacts” in October 1921, but the complaint alleges that the most valuable and archaeologically significant artifacts, “mummies, skeletons, skulls, bones, and other Incan remains,” were never returned.

hile encouraging source country governments to permit the legal expor

And last of all amidst the gaping crewSome calm spectator, as he takes his viewIn silent indignation mix'd with grief,Admires the plunder, but abhors the thief.

The poem's concern goes beyond erotic excitements approached under theguise of the antiquarian or the aesthetic because it also suggests not so muchthe degeneracy of contemporary Greeks as the degeneracy of the contempo-rary male. The "feeble dotard West" (actually Benjamin West, president ofthe Royal Academy, who had struggled to appreciate the marbles withoutunduly upsetting his conservative aesthetics and who, according to Byron,had declared himself a "mere tyro" by comparison), the "brawny brutes"staring in "stupid wonder" (a Popeian locution),23 the "sauntering cox-combs" (coxcombs also feature in Popeian gatherings), and the other impliedmale observers in the audience, all present an inadequate, inappropriate, and,in a sense, "effeminate" alternative to the "giant statues" of antiquity whoput them, demeaningly, into perspective. Such muscular masculinity (andthese statues are unmistakably male) exposes the weakness of those who cometo view it. A similar contrast was made by Hazlitt when he welcomed thevirtues of the Elgin Marbles by contrasting their energizing possibilities withthe emptiness of eighteenth-century English art, which he characterized bya series of disabling ailments that are noticeably "effeminate": "It is to behoped ... that these Marbles ... may lift the Fine Arts out of that Limbo ofvanity and affectation into which they were conjured in this country aboutfifty years ago, and in which they have lain sprawling and fluttering, gaspingfor breath, wasting away, vapid and abortive ever since, —the shadow ofa shade.

Zoffany's painting was intended not only to record that role but also todignify and explain the nature of his contribution. The presence of openbooks indicates that the pleasure in acquiring and possessing works of clas-sical art is refined and informed not so much by acquisitive impulse as byscholarly curiosity.

esponses might be quite different if Zoffany's picture were to be read not as atribute to Towneley's acquisitive virtues but as an almost surrealistic vision ofdislocation in which works of art were not to be approached in terms of theiroriginal provenance or their significance within a specific culture. Such areading would be perverse in terms of the cultural assumptions that helpedto assemble the collection and commissioned the picture. Stil

aming is rarely a neutral activity since it so often

reek opinion seems to have been made becauseit was widely assumed that it did not meaningfully exist (since modern Greekswere a sadly degenerate version of their predecessors) or that, even if it did, itcould not be usefully identified.

ThEARChAEOLOGICALPROFESSIONAND hUMANRIGhTS101understandings are implicit, there are enough privately discussed expe-riences that everyone knows that a line exists and where it is.It might be argued that the affected individuals’ and institutions’ right to freedom of expression was not infringed, because the profes-sionals were still able to express themselves as citizens, but that neglects the impact on their right and duty to act as professionals and, more fun-damentally, their audiences’ right to access to information.On a far larger scale and with a far graver social impact than inter-state politicking through disruption of cultural heritage work, certain states manipulate access to and the conduct of cultural heritage work in order to manage dissent and advance political and economic projects. For instance, in Istanbul, Taksim Square was built over an Armenian graveyard, with the remains of that graveyard. When it was redevel-oped, archaeologists were excluded, seemingly so that they did not doc-ument evidence of the graveyard and its treatment (see Hardy 2013).

In pursuit of restitution, Turkey uses such intense pressure that the President of the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation (Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz (SPK)), Hermann Parzinger, and an anon-ymous museum curator have categorised it as ‘blackmail’ (Letsch and Connolly 2013; Matthews 2012). The ‘blackmail’ secures cultural prop-erty rights through threats to or violations of cultural heritage workers’ labour rights. The director of excavations at Troy, Ernst Pernicka, has identified himself and others as ‘hostages’, who have been asked  – pri-vately, but by those with the power to bestow or withhold work per-mits  – to demand the restitution of antiquities from cultural heritage institutions in their home state (Kasiske 2013)

The impacts of Pimpernel Smith were remarkable and far-reaching:  aside from its public popularity and official approval from the British govern-ment, it is generally acknowledged to have been the inspiration for Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg’s campaign to rescue thousands of Hungarian Jews from the Holocaust. Leslie Howard died in 1943 in mysterious circumstances when his airliner was shot down by German aircraft over the Bay of Biscay.

n his extensive study of ‘reel archaeology’ Day (1997) traces the first cinematic depiction of archaeology to 1915, and lists an impressive array of actors who have portrayed archaeologists, including Sharon Stone, Charlton Heston, Sean Connery, Susannah York and Burt Reynolds

Beyond ancient Egypt, the ‘antiquarian ghost story’ has a long and rich history in gothic literature, and is widely considered to have been perfected by the aca-demic and museum curator Montague Rhodes Jame

One notable characteristic of Holtorf’s concept is its general positivity: archaeo-appeal is found in theme parks and other visitor attractions, shopping malls, video games and so on. In part as a response to this, some archaeologists have begun to explore the more psychologically complex archaeo-appeal of creepy, uncanny, transgressive or just plain nasty pasts: the archaeology found in ghost stories, ‘dungeon’ museums and horror movies

Within this definition of public archae-ology, we can include a multitude of things:  local communities cam-paigning to protect local heritage sites, archaeologists and producers collaborating to create television documentaries, metal detector users bringing their finds for identification and recording at local museums, archaeological heritage sites researching their visitor demographics, students studying the depiction of prehistoric women in comic books, and plenty more

When interpretation provokes a person to think, it causes an elaboration process that creates or otherwise impacts understanding, generating a sort of internal conversation in the person's mind that, in turn, produces new beliefs or causes existing beliefs either to be reinforced or changed

“there is an often underlying patronizing assumption, which has been stated to my face that my role is ‘just to make it look pretty’

The emergence of applied digital field methods (e.g., digital recording and data capture; digital processing, analysis, and publication: see Averett et al. 2016 for an excellent overview of the subject) has arguably worsened—indeed retrogressed—the predicament, further compartmentalizing the interpretative process or obfuscating it altogether (I will explore this point in detail below).

A variety of research links heritage and cultural sites to so-called numinous experiences (e.g., Cameron and Gatewood 2000; Latham 2013), a kind of inexpressible, almost spiritual form of engagement—a “meaningful, transcendent experience that results in a deep connection with the past” (Wood and Latham 2014:85). What is critical is that interpretation itself is essential to such connectivity. As Ham and Weiler's (2007) analyses indicate, the expressive aspects of a site (e.g., maps, signs, brochures, other presentational media and approaches) are crucial to satisfying experiences at the site. It is they that prove significantly more impactful on audiences than other infrastructural provisions (e.g., toilets, benches, cafés, etc.) because they, in unique fashion, influence “directly on the psychological experience of visitors” (Ham and Weiler 2007:20).

Jimson describes “the function of the interpreter” as “to mediate between the curator, concept developer, or institutional knowledge holder, and the visitor. The interpreter translates museum meanings to audiences”

“Heritage interpretation is defined as persuasive communication activities, such as guided tours, brochures and information provided on signs and in exhibitions, aimed at presenting and explaining aspects of the natural and cultural heritage of a tourist destination to visitors”

The Australian National Gallery (now the National Gallery of Australia or NGA) purchased the mantle in 1974 in London from a US-based dealer (Cochrane 1989; Thew 1989), paying a reported $35,000 AUD for the piece on behalf of the Australian Government (QNP 1989)

Trafficking Culture is a research consortium that produces evidence-based research into the contemporary global trade in looted cultural objects.

Please note that some details of this section have been purposefully obscured to protect the identity of my informant.

ources, then, are seen as the vital resource, the path to understanding greater criminality. As such, they must be preserved.

One clear drawback to presenting myself as either a sociologist or a criminologist is that it obscures my allegiances. Simply put, do I protect my informants or do I protect cultural property?

Although the Act could be improved and the PAS could benefit from more funding, it has had a major impact. The finds recorded by the scheme are available at the PAS website for all to see (case study 8.3). This is a major tool for research (case study 8.2). The Treasure Act and PAS may be a particularly English response to the situation that exists in this country, but they are undoubtedly transforming our understanding of the past of England and Wales

This total, whilst a small detail in the greater picture, is par-ticularly significant as PAS’s contributor base is estimated at around 8000–10,000 metal-detector users (Bland 2013). Therefore, the PAS online presence is now reaching an audience 50 times its constituent base.

This would help frustrate the illicit trade in Treasure finds

An increasingly number of people are considering PAS material in approaches to medieval and post-medieval metalwork (e.g. Lewis 2012), and this is to be welcomed, thus demonstrating the important contribution metal-detected finds (if responsibly recovered and prop-erly recorded) can make to the archaeology and history of Britain.

ninety-three PhD

With over 1.1 million archaeological finds recorded on the PAS data-base (https://finds.org.uk) and many more being added every day, its potential as a research tool is increasingly powerful.

ThE TREASURE ACTAND PORTABLE ANTIqUITIES SChEMEIN ENGLANDAND WALES115020000040000060000080000010000001200000199819992000200120022003200420052006200720082009201020112012201320142015Figure 8.2:Numbers of finds recorded on http://finds.org.ukrecord their own finds, under supervision, and at the time of writing over 270 individuals had recorded over 40,000 finds

form of rescue archaeology

All the finds are recorded onto an online data-base (https://finds.org.uk), which is now the largest resource of its kind in the world and which, as of September 2016, contains details of more than 1.2 million objects reported by over 14,000 metal detector users and others. These finds are returned to their finders after recording

the great majority of archaeological objects found do not qualify as Treasure, but the infor-mation they provide can be just as important for our understanding of the past

Mr Slarke also contacted the Coroner and reported the find as potential Treasure.

Since that figure of twenty-six a year included hoards of bronze coins and small groups of coins that were not Treasure Trove, this increase must reflect a greater willingness by metal-detector users to report their finds.

The impact of the Act has been dramatic: before 1997, an average of twenty-six finds a year were Treasure Trove and offered to muse-ums to acquire; in 2015, 1038 cases were reported as Treasure, 95 per cent of these found by amateur metal-detector user

Once a valuation has been agreed, museums have up to four months to raise money. Archaeologists are not eligible for rewards. Not all finds reported as Treasure are acquired by museums and indeed about 60 per cent of all cases are now disclaimed and returned to the finders, who are free to dispose of them as they wish

Under the Treasure Act the following finds are Treasure, provided they were found after 24 September 1997:1.objects other than coins at least 300  years old with a minimum precious metal content of 10 per cent2.all groups of coins from the same find at least 300 years old (if the coins have a precious metal content of less than 10 per cent then the hoard must consist of at least ten coins) and3.objects found in association with Treasure.

the STOP (Stop Taking Our Past) campaign

most important development will be to add project evaluation and data-handling to the skill-sets that are taught in public archaeology courses and in professional development for practitioners

ublic archaeology projects need to become more proactive and consistent in gathering monitoring and evaluation data on themselves. As the discipline is constantly innovating and developing existing approaches it is vital that practitioners share their successes and fail-ures, and have enough data to be able to point to what worked, what did not work, and – perhaps – why.

Archaeology relies on this shal-low engagement by a wide audience to maintain popular interest and support for archaeological heritage in political, cultural and economic terms. They are our market and we ignore or mischaracterise them at our peril

communication of archaeological research to the public through accessible and user-friendly media

while many modern exca-vations, particularly in urban areas, provide a view of the site through viewing platforms or, more recently, webcams (Morgan and Eve 2012; Moshenska and Schadla-Hall 2011). In many cases visitors are able to tour the excavations and talk to the archaeologists, while in some cases dedicated tour guides are used.

Public archaeology has, in Merriman’s view, long been based on the ‘deficit model’, a term taken from science communication that suggests that experts have a duty to remedy the deficit of scientific knowledge in the general public, who are viewed as empty vessels to be filled with information

he work of amateur archaeologists varies considerably around the world. In many countries there are licensing sys-tems or legal restrictions on archaeological work by non-professionals, while in some places amateurs can only take part in projects run by pro-fessionals (Duineveld et al. 2013). One of the most controversial aspects of amateur archaeology is the work of metal-detector users and metal-detecting clubs (Thomas 2012). Again laws on metal detecting vary worldwide, between outright bans and complete freedo

comedy

the various histories of European archaeology practicallyignore women, as if they had contributed not at all, and as if their presence hadnot played a role in the social context and the institutional milieu in whicharchaeology was practised

Eventually, with an inexorable logic of masculine technological modernisation, women are replaced by wheelbarrows, heralding – according to Duncan Mackenzie – more efficient working practices, and less chatter and romantic tension: “Barrows were introduced as an innovation to take place of female labour and it was found that an able bodied youth with barrows was able to accomplish the work of four women.”

Six miles’ walk before 6.30a.m., and six miles’ walk after 5p.m., with a hard day’s work of carrying earth-piled baskets on the head in between, does not strike one as being an easy life, but more girls begged for work than we could employ

Palestinian village women were a common sight on archaeological excavations, employed to lug baskets of earth from the diggings to the dump

Her most recent ERC funded project Sealinks investigated the emergence of long-distance trade and connectivity in the Indian Ocean, and its relationship to processes of biological exchange and translocation. She is interested in human history over the long-term, and the broad patterns of migration, interaction and environmental manipulation that have shaped the human story.

The standard story of hominin fossil discoveries, present in nearly every introductory textbook, has its customary cast of characters, including Eugene Dubois, Raymond Dart, Davidson Black, Robert Broom, Louis Leakey, and Donald Johanson. Absent from this list are any of the women who have been instrumental in discovering evidence of human evolution. Indeed, one might get the impression that only men work in paleoanthropology, only men organize the sorts of archaeological digs that yield hominin fossils, and only men write peer-reviewed articles about human evolution