9 Matching Annotations
  1. May 2025
    1. To get the measure of Sufi hagiography (saintly biography), it is necessary to attend to both the genre’s social underpinnings and the specificity of its representations. For the social side, hagiographies are created by disciples seeking to bolster the saintly credentials of people whom they regard as legitimizing their own practice.

      This points out that to understand Sufi saint stories, you can’t just focus on the stories themselves, you have to look at why and how they were written. These weren’t just spiritual tales, they were often written by the saint’s students trying to prove their teacher’s holiness. In a way, they were also trying to legitimize their own practices by showing they were connected to someone spiritually “real.”

    1. The day is sometimes associated with the moment when the biblical figure Noah landed his ark after the great flood and fasted together with all the animals as an act of thanksgiving.

      This line shows how ‘Ashura means different things depending on who’s observing it. For Shi’a Muslims, it’s deeply tied to mourning Husayn. When others give it a different meaning, it can feel like they’re erasing that grief or taking over the narrative.

    1. He indicates, at the very beginning of the account, that he wrote in an age where apostates and doubters of religious truths were inexplicably ascendant.

      So from the start he’s telling us that he’s writing during a time where faith is shaky. That kind of explains why he’s writing the way he is , it’s not just a story, it’s a defense of belief.

    1. One feels that Islam is ripe for wholesale dismantling, to be replaced by either a better reconstructed version or an altogether different sociointellectual system.

      It almost feels like some people think Islam, the way it’s been practiced or understood, needs to be torn down completely. Like, not just changed around the edges, but fully rethought. Either rebuilt into something that fits better with the modern world or replaced with a whole new way of thinking and living that speaks more to where people are now, socially, spiritually, intellectually.

    1. meaning his birth occurred under the shadow of a celestial alignment that predetermined his political ascendancy.

      Basically, Yazdi’s saying his rise to power was fate. He didn’t just take control. He was always meant to rule. It’s a way of justifying everything he did before the story even gets going.

    2. The beginning of the Zafarnama makes the point that when he was born, “a world came forth into the world in a human form” (Yazdi, Zafarnama, 1:235)

      This line is dramatic on purpose. It sets Tamerlane up as more than just a person. It’s like the text is saying his existence changed the world from the moment he arrived.

    1. Fixed in placid and parsimonious habits on the outside, Silva’s inner life has a vivacity that transforms with the genre of work he is contracted to proofread. He is given a manuscript to proofread that is a historical work on an event with a deep connection to the city and the quarter in which he lives. The event is the siege of Lisbon in 1147 by Dom Afonso Henriques (d. 1185), ruler of the county of Portugal. Afonso’s capture of Lisbon greatly enlarged his territory, as he found the kingdom of Portugal that has continued to exist as a state, in one form or another, from the twelfth century to the present. As Silva reads the historian’s account of the city’s siege in the twelfth century, his active imagination starts to plot the presence of the army outside the walls of the quarter in which he lives in the twentieth century.

      Silva might seem super routine on the outside, just going through the motions, but once he gets into a manuscript, his imagination kicks in heavy. It’s like whatever he’s reading starts to shape how he sees the world around him. This time, he’s proofreading a history book about something that actually happened right where he lives, the siege of Lisbon in 1147.

    1. It can be argued that the primary significance of Jerusalem beyond its immediate environs rests not on the physical city in the Middle East but in the way it has been imagined by Muslims, Jews, and Christians the world over in the manner we see in the case of Kudus. The Middle Eastern city is the subject of a large literature concerned with what is found in its space. But this literature has little to do with the way Jerusalem has been the object of religious attention by those living far away.

      You could say that what really makes Jerusalem important, especially outside of its actual location, isn’t just the physical city itself, it’s how people all over the world imagine it. Muslims, Jews, and Christians have each built deep connections to Jerusalem, and a lot of that comes from religious meaning, not just geography. Kudus (the way Muslims refer to it) shows this really well. It’s less about what’s physically there and more about what the city represents spiritually and emotionally.

  2. Feb 2025
    1. hough written in a different mode than the pseudo-autobiography, Mernissi’s more directly academic works also deploy the tactic of rethinking the past for present ends. Her intentions are stated directly in a book highlighting premodern Muslim women who held political authority: It is time to begin to rewrite the history of the Muslims, to go beyond the Islam of the imam-caliph-president, of the palace and its ‘ulama; to move beyond the Islam of the masters, and doing that means going into the swampy, dark areas of the marginal and the exceptional.…Islam, a civilization of 15 centuries, which embraces the lives of millions of individuals of different sex, class, and ethnicity, cannot but be the history of complexities, tensions, and rejections. To say today that ‘Islam forbids women access to the field of politics’ is certainly to speak the truth. But we understand our history a little better if we admit that that is one truth among many others (Mernissi, Forgotten Queens of Islam, 84–85). Mernissi’s strategy for rewriting history included positing that Islam’s original doctrines and social prescriptions had been egalitarian but were corrupted into hierarchical forms in the imperial setup that became dominant from the late eighth century onward. This argument hinged on two interrelated words—hijab and hajib—that signify separation and the creation of a barrier. She maintained that in the original Islamic polity presided over by the Prophet, the governors and the governed, and men and women, were treated the same with respect to the ability to access and occupy authority. The political transparency involved here was marked by the lack of a hijab, the veil or barrier, as a structural device meant to denote separation. In this view, women’s veiling as a practice with wide social and even ontological implications became an aspect of Islamic self-understandings only in the postprophetic, imperial stage.

      Mernissi argues that history needs to be rewritten to include the voices that have been left out especially women. She critiques the dominant narratives that center on male rulers, religious authorities, and power structures, calling for a deeper look into the “swampy, dark areas” where the marginalized existed. This makes me think about how history is often told from the perspective of those in power, shaping what we accept as truth. It raises the question, if history had been written differently, how would that have changed our present understanding of Islam and gender roles?