o, the explanation must be Ruskinian:architecture as a vehicle for the decorative arts, eclectic, didactic;plus a special Burgesian gloss: architecture as fantasy, architectureas fun

Now Burges’s fascination with Islamic art was by nomeans unique. The Paris Exhibitions of 1867 and 1878 had arousedcuriosity about the style,® not least in the mind of Ludwig II ofBavaria.

e Trustees naturally looked askance at Burges’sfeudal extravaganzas. Cardiff Castle and Castell Coch had,therefore, to be paid for out of Bute’s personal income; much oftheir cost must have been floated on borrowed money

his phase of activity, however, was abruptly curtailed byfinancial difficulties in 1874-75, a book-keeping crisis in the Butefortunes which temporarily threatened the whole operation.®In 1871 and 1873 there had been major coal strikes.

he twelve signs of the zodiac appear in proxy formas their respective precious stones

Bute came of age in 1868, and work began straight away

Some of these trips werein the nature of archaeological excursions; others were healthcures.

ritics were generallyimpressed by the integrity of his scholarship; Rosebery — forone — praised the nobility of his styl

is libraries were packedwith rare manuscripts and books. His list of writings is by anystandards prodigio

o celebrate his eventual confirmation in1869 — in the Sistine Chapel, no less — Pope Pius IX presentedhim with an image of the Sacred Heart.

By 1900 — the year the 3rd Marquess died — the total coalexports from Cardiff amounted to 7,500,000 t

ke the celebrated Duke of Bridgewater,he not only profited from but actually helped to create theindustrial revolution. An earnest, solitary, myopic, evangelicalLiberal Tory, he had all the confidence and resolution of anearly nineteenth-century industrialist, tempered by an inbornsense of paternalist responsibility.

Known in hisyouth as a profligate and dandy, he married not one heiress buttwo: firstly the ‘rich ugly Miss Windsor’, who later inheritedgreat estates in Cardiff and South Wales long owned by theHerberts, Earls of Pembroke;

nd his cautious advice atLlandaff Cathedral — against Prichard and Seddon’s re-roofing— was remarkably progressive for its date.

bout the middle of the nineteenth century two attitudestowards restoration were in conflict: the destructive and theconservative. Burges supported the conservative

urges made.no secret of his admiration for Viollet-le-Duc,at least as regards the Frenchman’s scholarship. He regarded theDictionnaire —‘that wonderful monument of human knowledgeand human industry’” — as quite invaluable.

rench Gothicwas nobler, cheaper and characteristic of the modern age.‘The distinguishing characteristics of the Englishmen of thenineteenth century’, Burges concludes, ‘are our immense railwayand engineering works, our line-of-battle ships, our good andstrong machinery .. . our free constitution, our unfettered press,and our trial by jury... . [No] style of architecture can be moreappropriate to such a people than that which . . . is characterisedby boldness, breadth, strength, sternness, and virility

hereas ‘the French architect of the same periodlooked more to the effect and less to the section; he left moreplain surfaces ... thus his mouldings, where he did use them, havea more telling effect’..

Early French, however, ‘is a style which verynearly answers our conditions, and if we go a little further backand examine what is called the Transition style, as developed inEngland and France, but especially the latter, we shall find almosteverything we want.

In the eyes of ecclesiologists their greatest achievementhad been to rescue the Gothic Revival from the smear of Popery.Pugin — that ‘wonderful man’, as Burges always thought of him— had tainted the movement with a whiff of incense. Ruskinsupplied an anti-papal deodorant.

The repeal of the brick tax in 1850 gave the new fashiona flying sta

Burges’s approach to religion was aesthetic rather thantheological. He was not christened until he was thirteen.

t it is Burges’s collection of medieval MSS which wouldnow be deemed a veritable treasure-hoard.

‘Money,’ he noted firmly, ‘is onlya secondary concern in the production of first-rate works. . . .There are no bargains in art.

y his mid-thirties Burges was — in architectural circles atleast — an international figure. He had travelled more widelythan any of his contemporaries. His learning was incontestable.His eclecticism was more broadly based than any of hisrivals; Romanesque, Gothic, Islamic, Greek, Japanese — evenFlorentine and Francois Premier — were all grist to his mill.His Gothic dreams were images of geniu

e had realised that what wasneeded was a collection of measured medieval details: ‘a sort ofgrammar of thirteenth-century architecture.’

Gothic ‘architecture was (and it always must be) eminently anarchitecture of figures and subjects ... part .. . [of] the greatpoem of Christian art’

urges looked about Victoria’s London, and looked in vainfor colour. Exterior polychromy seemed almost a lost art.’

In other words, the Pre-Raphaelite reaction againstacademicism, and the reaction of Puginian Gothic against thePicturesque, stemmed from a similar — if dog-eared — aestheticimpulse: the pursuit of truth

urges accepted Pre-Raphaelite principles implicitly. Thesehe defined — rather naively — as ‘to copy nature carefully, to usepleasant bright colours, and to give sentiment to the figures’.

The magic of the Orient was certainly part of the HighVictorian Dream.

Such catholicity was too much for most Victorian Goths

‘infinitely better than any eitherin Paris or in London.” And individual mosques were stillmagnificent. Particular houses were still occasionally deckedout in characteristic gold and r

Burges regarded travel as essential for any young architect. ‘Allarchitects should travel,’ he believed, ‘but more especially the art-architect; to him it is absolutely necessary to see how various artproblems have been resolved in different ages by different men.’

ith Clutton he travelled in France in the year of the GreatExhibition, making sketches for Clutton’s book on The Domes

In the early 1850s Burges was known less as an architectthan as an archaeologist.

s an articled pupil, Burges pored over books by JohnCarter and A. W. Pugin.

At the age of seventeenhe was already mixing with the vanguard of the Gothic Revival

sengineer to the Bute Docks at Cardiff, he was in a position tointroduce his son to the greatest patron in the history of theGothic Revival, the 3rd Marquess of Bute.

Alfred Burges was a rich man: he died worth £113,000, mostlyin railway stock. It was he who made possible his son’saesthetic lifestyl

lfred Burges presented hisson with a copy of Pugin’s Con¢rasts on his fourteenth birthday

ut he was not a political animal; hekept faith with that vision in his own studio. As early as 1856 hevowed to ‘work hard and paint visions and dreams and symbolsfor the understanding of people’.** More consciously than Rossetti,more subtly than Morris, he spent his life seeking the numinousin an alien world, groping for a symbolic language to express the _invisible, pursuing those ‘richly coloured images of a historical orlegendary past’ which might ‘serve also as metaphors for the life ofthe human spi

ike Pugin and Ruskin, however, Morris always cherishedGothic art and architecture, not just for its own sake, but as an agentof moral revolution.

WithBurne-Jones and Rossetti in London in 1856, Morris formedwhat was in effect the second Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. ‘Apartfrom the desire to produce beautiful things,’ he recalled in 1894,‘the leading passion of my life has been and is hatred of moderncivilisation.’

To the young Burne-Jones, Ruskin’s writings were theauthentic voice of truth: ‘in prose what Tennyson is in poetry, andwhat the Pre-Raphaelites are in painting’.*

Captains of Industry musttake on the mantles of Arthurian heroes.

“That wonderful man, asBurges called him,” was the lodestar of a generation of Goths

Look at those poor dead figures on the tombs ofknights, with the Cross on their breast and their armed hands raisedin prayer. Where shall we find so much religion and honour anddignity among the living as beams from that cold sto

outhey’s edition of Malory’s Morte d’Arthur (1817) was for thePre-Raphaelites a ‘precious book’; ‘we feasted on it’, Burne-Jonesrecalled.

ndeed itwas Burne-Jones who put the whole debate in a nutshell: ‘the morematerialistic Science becomes, the more angels shall I paint’.

t is, therefore, in the realm of political ratherthan artistic theory that we must first look for the origins of HighVictorian aesthetics

High Victorian art and architecture lasted little more thantwenty years: the customary dates are 1851 to 1870

t wasa dream born in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, in thehopelessness of the Hungry Forties

Theirs was a longing — far stronger than mere nostalgia— for a world of magic and fixed values; a yearning for stability inan age of change

The frontispiece drawing from Burges’s original Castell Coch proposal, 1874 © Bute Archive at Mount Stuart

One of them informs us that a church was built at Llandaff by Lucius, a descendant of Bran, the first Christian convent of the British nation. Another mentions a small church built by Dubritius, who, it is said, was the first Bishop of Llandaff, and who, according to Fuller, was Archbishop of Caerleon, A.D. 516

Lleuver Mawr ap Coilus, Saint, King of the Silures (136 - 181

On October 22, 1983, the Federal Republic witnessed the largest peace demonstrations to date, with a total of more than one million participants

The Federal Border Guard and Police Tear Down the “Free Republic of Wendland” (June 4, 1980)

nd after the pious prayer—“May God give us hope not to become resigned in the resistance we have started”—they talked about violence.

Civic Movements between Peaceful Protest and Outbreaks of Violence (August 5, 1977)

Police Protecting the Construction Site of a Nuclear Power Plant (1977)

Constitutional Implications of the Campaign against Nuclear Power (November 3, 1976)

this year on the re

13 September 1974: The Bombing of Cafetería Rolando

Herri Batasuna won 16.5 percent in the vote for the first autonomousBasque parliament in March 1980, and Sinn Fein became a significant presence inUlster politics during the 1980s. In 1981 the IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands waselected from jail as a Member of Parliament and in the UK elections of 1983 SinnFein won 13.4 percent of the vote in Northern Irelan

The assassination of Franco’s right-hand man Luis Carrero Blanco by ETA inDecember 1973 helped to smooth the transition to democracy after the dictator’sdeath (although ETA would, in turn, torment Spain’s democratic governments

n October 1975, almost one hundred members and supportersof IWU held an hour-long, torch-lit picket outside the house of theCatholic Archbishop of Dublin in Drumcondra, demanding that thereshould be an immediate change in the laws relating to contraception inIreland

he Women’s Liberation Movement,also called the Fownes Street Group, put forward a non-violent approachto activism, including methods such as boycotting, picketing, strikes,fasts, and civil disobedience, arguing that non-violence was ‘the onlymethod possible for women who hope to create a new society’.

epugnant to the Constitution and to the rights ofman and woman, as guaranteed by the U.N. Declaration of FamilyPlanning, which was signed by Ireland as a member nation’.

The crowd then marched to Store Street GardaStation where they stood outside waving contraceptives and chanting,‘The law is obsolete’. No arrests were made

rish Women’s Liberation Movement Contraceptive Trainprotest, 22 May 1971

On 22 May 1971, forty-seven members of theIWLM boarded the 8 a.m. train from Dublin to Belfast with the aim ofpurchasing contraceptives in the north and travelling back with them.According to Mary Kenny, reflecting on what became known as the‘Contraceptive Train’:A stunt is often a good way to move political ideas forward: the Suffragettes haddone it with their demonstrations – some of which were hair-raisingly violent, andenvironmental organisations like Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace have beenimaginative in their various forms of direct action.

On 19 May 1971, twelve membersof the IWLM picketed the Nineteenth British Congress of Obstetricsand Gynaecology in Dublin. With placards that had slogans such as‘Gynaes – be logical’ and ‘Ceart an duine is ea frithghinnuint’ (the Irishfor ‘Contraception is a human right’), protestors confronted delegates atthe conference and handed out leaflets.

Leaflets were distributed to European personalities whichinformed them that contraception was illegal in Ireland, a fact that ‘seemsespecially repugnant in view of the fact that Ireland as a member of theUnited Nations is not bound by this organisation’s universal declaration ofhuman rights’

Notonly did it expose how far the Church’s influence over ordinary people had receded,

It wasa shocking book to many, featuring women’s testimonies of contraception use, abortionand family life, drawn from hundreds of letters to the AIED offices, the communistwomen’s paper Noi Donne and the left-liberal weekly L’Espresso

By their own lights, the movements of 1968 everywhere failed.

he state’s response hardened, with massarrests of 826 in April, and 1,314 in September.

uding theNotting Hill Free School, the Anti-University, Indica Gallery, the Arts Lab,Apple, the Electric Cinema, the Macrobiotic Restaurant, a series of clubs,and a mosaic of ‘happenings’ and festival

n the elections of 23–30 June, the ruling coalition easily won. The FifthRepublic’s electoral system helped (Gaullists took 60 percent of seats on 40percent of the vote), but the Left’s demoralization was no match for anti-Communist rhetorics of order. The PCF lost 39 seats; the Socialists lost 61;the PSU’s 3 seats were gone. The government returned with 358 seats out of485. Young people under 21, the active bearers of the May events, wereexcluded from the vote

Aware that nobroader antigovernment challenge could happen without them, the CGTreluctantly combined with the other unions in a one-day protest strike on 13May, when eight hundred thousand workers marched in a massive validationof the students’ actions.

o one escaped the frenzy: professors, tourists,nurses, medical personnel, or pregnant women. Misogyny and xenophobiaran rampant. By dawn, barricades were cleared, and 180 vehiclessmouldered. There were a thousand recorded injuries and 468 arrests. On theradio, Cohn-Bendit called for a general strike

Tuesday–Wednesday saw large peaceful marches of 30,000–50,000 people,followed on Thursday by intensive debate.

he students’ reactive anger had taken police unawares. Television andnewspaper images of police brutality stunned the wider public. Outrage atpolice behavior propelled student militancy beyond expectations.

The CRS were leading the fight. They even charged into the halls ofapartment houses, invaded several hotels and came out with youngpeople whom they beat up while the public booed ... The policereaction reached its climax when the order was given to ‘cleareverything.’ Blackjacks held high, the CRS attacked, hitting with alltheir might in all directions. Old women were caught in the generalturmoil. A passing motorist shouted his indignation. CRS swoopeddown on his car and tried to pull him out of it, hitting him while hewas still seate

The Fifth Republic hadbarely surmounted the political ravages of the Algerian War, between theviolent divisiveness of its foundation in 1958 and an abortive military coupin 1961

Student movements discarded conventional politics in favour of direct actionand the streets. Student radicals ignored parliaments and electedrepresentatives, behaving in passionate and unruly ways and looking foragency and meaning beyond the confines of the ‘system.’

New Left

rving as the basis for the 31 January 1968 decision tocommence the third occupation, ratified the Trento students’ resolve to breakwith all forms of co-determination and participation in the running of theuniversity’s affairs, and it extended the total opposition to authoritarianstructures beyond the resolute attack on university authorities to target alsothe powers of the police and the entire repressive apparatus of the state

One of the particular points of aggravation on the part of students and othersections of the Italian academic community in the years 1964–8 was a planfor university reform associated with the Minister of Education, Luigi Gui.On 31 March 1964 Gui had presented the first of several variants of aproposal to restructure university education in Italy, entailing a closeralignment of university curricula with the demands of the businesscommunity and the labour market, including the imposition of accessrestrictions based on performance of prospective students in high school, asmeasured by grade point averages or degree classifications

e Trento students’ increasing radicalization is also highlighted by anotherdocument produced in the same period, in which new forms of ‘directdemocracy’ [...] in contrast to reliance on traditional student organizationsstructured along party-political lines, are emphasized and recommended asvehicles for student concerns. Such new forms of representation were not yettheorized as permanent acquisitions in the arsenal of student demands butregarded as tactical innovations generated in the heat of battle and not yet12

t one point even considering thepossibility of declaring a state of war, which would have facilitated

On 24 January 1969,under the onslaught of joint worker and student protest, the Francogovernment, for the first time since the end of the Civil War, declared a stateof emergency for the entire country.

Nonetheless, workers (and students) assembled at various locationsthroughout Madrid, boycotting all public transportation for that day

working-class opposition, combined withprotest movements by allied social forces, including notably universitystudents, underwent an important intensification which, for all practicalpurposes, only declined a few years after the restoration of democracy inSpain in the wake of Franco’s death in November 1975

For one thing, the CCOO as such, especially in Asturias, only began to getorganized in the wake of the strikes when the dictatorship resorted onceagain to the tried and tested mechanism of vicious reprisals, for hundreds ofminers were dismissed, many of them jailed or sent into internal exile toremote corners of Spain, soon after the conclusion of the work stoppage

On someoccasions, Spanish migrant workers seeking employment in other WesternEuropean states may have been responsible for introducing this specifictactic into labour struggles hundreds if not thousands of kilometres furthernorth.

Workers at a given mine or factory gathered in ageneral assembly and freely elected their own leadership. Where such opendisplays of central challenges to the company management and indeed to thenormal functioning of the dictatorial state were not feasible or advisable,certain individuals, benefiting from the confidence of their workmates basedon daily interaction over many years, were designated rather than chosen inan open vote.

At this point commences the granddiaspora of the Italian student movement, in search of the forces necessary toexert influence over far wider circles, an extension of its range of actionsrendered indispensable by the centrality of the question of power relationsand the confrontation with the state

To cite Paul Goossens once again: ‘Almosteveryone present in Leuven at that time came from Catholic high schoolsand had experienced at least eighteen years of Catholic upbringing. Therewere people present who, at this particular moment, settled their accountswith that past and who shouted words which, earlier on, they had barelybeen permitted to think.’ ‘With this revolt Flanders, which had thus far livedin fright of Rome and Mechelen, lost its fear of the bishop’s crozier

Up to this moment, most Dutch-speaking Belgians had regarded the CatholicChurch – rock solid in the Flemish half, but weak and far more powerless inthe Walloon portion of the Belgian state – as part of the Flemish communityand supportive of that community’s social and political concerns

ne reason for ETA’s limited impact, despite the horrific scale and widepublic impact of its killing sprees, was that most Basques identified neitherwith its means nor with its end

This did not prevent ETA from assassinating Franco’sPrime Minister (Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco) in Madrid on December 20th1973, or killing twelve civilians in a bomb attack in the capital nine monthslater. Nor did the execution of five ETA gunmen in September 1975, shortlybefore Franco’s death, have any moderating impact upon the group’sactivities.

verything distinctively Basque was aggressively repressed throughoutthe Franco years: language, customs, politics.

The Basque country of northern Spain had always been a particular target ofFranco’s ire: partly because of its identification with the Republican cause inthe Spanish Civil War, partly because the Basques’ longstanding demand tobe recognized as different ran counter to the deepest centralizing instinctsand self-ascribed, state-preserving role of the Spanish officer corps

The WestGerman movement, despite its impressive size, also failed to secure a firmenough base in public opinion and in the SPD itself, as well as provingunable to make inroads on the Free Democrats or Christian Democrat

A USInformation Agency survey of the November 1983 demonstrations againstcruise found that half of the protesters in Italy and Belgium were underthirty-five, as were around two-thirds of protesters in The Netherlands andBritain and over four-fifths in West Germany

If movement activists and supporters are broken down into age groups, thereis a good deal of evidence that young people predominated.

Most local people welcomed the base for economic reasons, sosympathy for campaigners was limited

y alsoadopted the symbols of the previous nuclear disarmament movement, forexample commemorating Hiroshima. Many disarmers took up the tradition ofnon-violent direct action at bases or military centres; the numbers were muchlarger than in the 1960s and styles of protest more varied

Catholic intellectual deeply committed to the Polish-German dialogue,Kazimierz Wóycicki, recalls his own experience in an internment camp atthis time

‘In spite of everything,’ wrote the Polish bishops, ‘in spite of this situationburdened almost hopelessly by the past, or rather just because of thissituation ... we cry out to you: let us try to forget! No polemics, no moreCold War. ...’

has not kept pace with the rising costs of running and developingthe services, with the result that schools, hospitals and housing are in crisis

6 Wales followed a similar architectural pattern toEnglan

.32 Bute, by contrast, had no such financiconstraints. Reputedly the richest man in the world, with much of h£300,000 annual income deriving from ground rents and minerroyalties from the Cardiff Castle estate in south Wales, which hgreat-grandfather had acquired through marriage in 1766, Bute wauniquely well endowed to indulge an uninhibited passion for thMiddle Ag

emais, Lloyd tried to profit from his historicknowledge by seeking to recover estates formerly belonging to thlordship on the grounds that they were rightly his by virtue of hposition as a March

The Stuarts ... belonged essentially to the conquering Norman race ... not so theWallaces, whose three Scotch generations could not so utterly have obliterated allsympathy with the Cambrian cradle of their family, but that the savage injusticeand cruelty of the Plantagenet conquest of Wales ... must have struck them withpeculiar horror and indignation ... The Wallaces had found shelter from Englishbondage in Scotland ... when they found [they were liable to come under Englishmasters there as well] they determined to resist for themselves to the uttermost oftheir power

here were also echoesof the Old Testament, where a vineyard is the usual image for the people of God, and, perhapseven more poignantly, the Gospel of St. John, where Christ speaks of himself as the true vine,and his disciples as

here was another project shared between Bute and Burges, that was perhaps even dearer toBute's hea

Nothing about Bute suggests he had much taste for personal grandeur; it was the pleasure ofworking on the designing and building of his projects that impelled him. He once famouslyremarked that he had 'comparativly little interest in a thing after it is finished. 163 He wasdeeply and personally involved in all his projects. Burges was more of a collaborator than anemployee, others awaited his visits, ideas and judgements with a mixture of pleasure andtrepidation. 64 Bute was also extremely price-consciou

it was a part of his dislike of the wreck of old and beautiful

The rest is by no means satisfactory and has been thevictim of every barbarism since the Renaissance

considering these three courses there is no doubt at all, that in any age otherthan the present the last mentioned one is that which would most certainly havebeen adopted in as much as it is the most suited to the circumstances of the case;for we must never lose sight of the fact that Cardiff Castle is not an antiquarianruin but the seat of the Marquess of Bute

n 1865, Bute had met one of the most original architects of the Victorian period, WilliamBurges.37 Both men were passionately interested in history. Bute had fallen in love with theGothic style before his ninth birthday, the style in which Burges invariably built. It is notclear if they first met because Burges had already been asked to prepare a report on restoringCardiff Castle, or if he was asked to make the report following a chance encounter

Cardiff Castlehadlong been an inconveniently crampedhousefor a nobleman,or, indeed, any well-to-do man.It was simply too small for entertaining. The secondMarquesshad found it so himself, andthe first had rarely usedit at all

f ... as seems ... likely this conversion or perversion is the result of priestlyinfluences acting upon a weak, ductile and naturally superstitious mind, we mayexpect the continual eclipse of all intellectual vigour; for these influences willnever leave the Marquis but darken and darken around him as long as he lives.The Roman Church knows well how to treat such cases and how to use them forher own advantage

t would be his day of freedom, the day, also,when he would not be able to shelter behind his promises given to delay his choice of a Church

It is well illustrated byhis difficulty earlier that year in trying to present a stained glass window to Cumnock parishchurch. The Presbyterians took a strict view of the Second Commandment which forbad

herever he went, Bute found the destruction of irreplaceable remains and ruins, and he wasincensed. One of the six circular Churches known had been pulled down in 1829. He travelledthe greater part of a day to view a broch standing in a manse glebe. It had been reduced fromits original 50 feet high to provide the stone for building walls around the fields.

n hot climates, Bute slept naked, and he was much amused by Mr Bistani who 'took offnothing except his outer clothes, not even his stockings.176 Perhaps what struck Bute most inthe palace, however, were the courtyards and rooms open to the air either above or througharches. The amazing mixture of room and open air fascinated him. The 'most perfectapartment' was the on

e was,however, still dwelling on his wrongs, and especially upon his financial wrongs. Bute wasgenerous with his charities, and surrounded by sons of some of the richer British families. Theold wrong which he felt had been done him by Stuart was still very real t

This is not surprising, as English establishment attitudes, severely alienated from Scotland ahundred years before during the Jacobite rebellions, and only slowly thawing under the wavesof the picturesque mediaevalism let loose by Sir Walter Scott and fashionable 'Balmorality'promoted by Victoria, still had little sympathy for the independent rights of the Scottishpeople, or understanding of the profoundly different culture which they cherished

Sophia had edited her father's journals and her sister's poems. Now she assisted her son tostart a small newspaper. The Mount Stuart Weekly Journal was begun at the end of 1858 to4convey to our absent friends some knowledge of how we are occupied' in which it succeedsnow as then. Bute was the editor, and he copied the whole out in his own hand, and as a goodeditor should, he solicited contributions from all the talented associates he could find.Occasionally, however, he was force

From the moonlight drive to the ferry at Folkestone, it was an enchanted time forthe young Bute, so much so that themes from it were to haunt his adulthood.

Lady Bute fought back with vigour. Determined to have her own home, and with the southWales trustees on her side, Lord James was forced to leave Cardiff Castle in the summer of1849.61

Lord Bute naturally wanted to take his son to Cardiff, the town he had created. Lady Sophiathought he intended to spend the whole spring there

ohn DavieS4 gives afascinating account of how Lord Bute created a thriving industrial complex out of this formeragricultural land. The city of Cardiff was largely of his making, springing up around the dockshe built; and he blazed the way in the creation of new collierie

Bute appearsmore as a modemiser

There was also the question of Bute's Catholicism. There were many aristocratic Catholicconverts in the nineteenth century and they married into the old Catholic families, as Butehimself did. Yet Bute was extraordinary amongst them. His faith spilled over into hispatronage of the arts, and into his scholarship: indeed his faith, his scholarship and his art fedone other

ther types of literature about housing were aimed at more specific readerships: for builders and artisans there were pattern books for both exteriors and interiors; guides and manuals for everything from bricklaying and plastering to plumbing and painting; and lavishly illustrated trade journals and catalogues. The catalogues are particularly fascinating, showing the different types of cornices, tiles, fenders, warming stoves, gas-fittings and so on (the list is endless) available, sometimes with information about their histor

At the top end were the works of A. W. Pugin and John Ruskin. The future architect William Burges's whole path in life seems to have been set when he received a copy of Pugin's Contrasts (1836) for his fourteenth birthday. He was also greatly inspired by Ruskin: "No man's works contain more valuable information than Mr Ruskin's," he was to write in the 1860s — although he warned sharply then against adopting superficial features from them (Brooks 197)

erhaps the most important point of all about the Gothic Revival was that it allowed architects to experiment. In housing as in church-building: "Architectural design, freed from the tyrannies of symmetry demanded by Neoclassicism, could blossom in the altogether more free climate of Gothic" (Curl 17-18).

Tower House in Kensington (1870) by William Burges. With its stout conical tower, this is similar in style to his Castel Coch in Cardiff, which is often compared to a German schloss, though his primary inspiration was undoubtedly French Gothi

An earlier, more thickset "muscular" Gothic style, with Irish and Scottish features, was adopted by William White for the Right Hon. Fitzwilliam Hume Dick at Humewood, in County Wicklow, N. Ireland (1867). This was in the decade specifically associated with "Muscularity" (Durant 177).

G. E. Street, in Brick and Marble in the Middle Ages (1855), particularly castigated the British for eschewing colour: "Our buildings are, in nine cases out of ten, cold, colourless, insipid, academical studies, and our people have no conception of the necessity of obtaining rich colour, and no sufficient love for it when successfully obtained," he complained (399-400)

uch hugely impressive buildings were bound to be influential, the more so because their owners often built Gothic lodges and other cottages on their estates, and even in the outlying villages. T

n addition, it has been seenthat when concrete and steel are used together, they can successfully cross wide openings and createwide openings on the facade of the structure. As a result of this, glass panels of various sizes installedon façades of structures led to a great change in architecture field.

ne of the most importantdevelopments affected the use of architectural materials are the innovations in the production of ironand steel materials.

In 1865, at Cardiff Castle in Wales, he began to interpret medieval architecture with merry and decorative freedom. The interiors of this building and of Castell Coch, built 10 years later, are a riot of decoration.

But Gothic was to be most widely used—and even exploited—for church architecture, not because it was thought more appropriate than Classical architecture but rather because it was cheaper

It was Christian, he went on, because of itshistory, but still more because it communicated the purpose of the building in its architecture

Strikingly, by 1849 even the evangelical, Nonconformist Eclectic Reviewwas signing up to the symbolic supremacy of neo-medievalism. ‘In studying Gothic,’ it declared, ‘we studyarchitecture in the fullest development of its most essential primary conditions of being

y way of BasilJones, later Bishop of St David’

It is evident in the inuential Coleridgeannotion of a Gothic church as ‘petried religion’

In short, the rst generation of Victorians articulated a new conception ofarchitecture as a sort of text.

n other words, what helped to sustain and promote ecclesiastical Gothic revivalism was asmuch a historical as a theological argument; a debate about time as well as faith. In an age of historicism, itcould hardly be otherwise

What mattered was when he said it

ignicantly, Gothic styles were oftenpreferred for these new churches: partly because they were believed to be inexpensive; partly, as the Builder’sMagazine had suggested, because they were believed to be typologically appropriate; but—above all—becausethey enabled established churches to articulate a sense of continuity and thus assert their claims to be thenational church.

Thus, although it is nowimpossible to argue that the Gothic Revival of the nineteenth century completely replaced one style withanother, it is possible to argue that a Gothic revival of the nineteenth century helped change conceptions ofecclesiastical architecture most profoundly

Instead of seeing neo-medievalism as an essentially Anglican or Roman Catholic affair, they have pointed to the importance of adistinctive ‘Dissenting Gothic’.

arlyle’s hope, as he describes it in Past and Present, was thatchivalric customs would be replicated in the modern industrial world to become ‘chivalry of work’: duty andobligation would become implanted in the soul of each worker

issenting buildings and worship are described in Watts’ volumes,mentioned above (pp. 361, 367), and in a variety of essays by ClydeBinfield: in addition to the chapter on ‘Dissenting Gothic’ in So Downto Prayers (Dent, 1977),

onconformists,likeeveryoneelse,succumbedtothelureofGothicarchitecture,delightinginitsdignity,drama, andintricatedetail.Newchapelswerebuilt withsoaringspires,ingeniousturrets,and pointedwindows.GothicchapelsbecameasdominantafeatureoftownscapesasGothicchurches,townhalls,and railwaystation

he Victorian church-building boom was facilitated by technolog-ical advances which permitted the use of a wide range of buildingmaterials. Brick was cheap and accessible, well-suited to the intricatedetail of complex Gothic designs. Glazed tiles were available for floorsand wrought-iron for screens. At the end of the century some missionchurches were even built out of corrugated iron. The art of makingstained-glass windows was revived and many churches acquired newwindows.

t is notsurprising that people wishing to refurbish their churches adoptedthe dominant style of the day.

his is remarkable since many Anglicans did notshare the high-church assumptions which lay behind them. However,they did approve of Gothic architecture. In an age that was fascinatedby the medieval past there was widespread support for the recon-struction of churches in a medieval styl

Ecclesiological principles dominated Anglican church architecturein Victoria’s reign.

sworshippersenteredaGothic churchtheireyesweredrawnautomaticallytothealtar,accordingtohigh-churchprinciplesthefocalpointofChristian worship.

Heaven-pointing’spireshadautilitarianpurposeofalert-ingpeopletotheexistenceofaplaceofworshipbuttheyalsoremindedChristiansof theirultimatedestiny.

ugin converted to Catholicism but he exercised a powerful in-fluence on Anglican church architecture, partly because his aspira-tions coincided with those of the high-church Ecclesiological Society,which was founded in the early years of Victoria’s reign.

. W. N. Pugin, one of the most influential church archi-tects of the day, condemned the use of a ‘pagan’ design for Christianworship, apparently failing to realise that his predecessors favouredthe ‘basilica style’ because it had been used by early Christians

Thisarrangementdid notnecessarilyreflectalackofrespectforthealtar,ascriticsassumed

n the years before Victoria came to the throne there was very littlesymbolism or ceremony in Anglican services.

ractarians and ritualists fostered a new understanding of the sig-nificance of communion, reflected in the adoption of the term ‘eu-charist’, meaning thanksgiving. Earlier generations of Anglicans hadtended to refer to ‘the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper’, but Victorianhigh-churchmen disliked this title with its allusion to the last supperwhich Jesus shared with his disciples, since it implied that commu-nion was primarily an act of remembrance.

Antec

With industrialization however, andespecially with early nineteenth-century immigration from Ireland,Catholic numbers increased, and for the first time since theReformation the Mass began to be celebrated in such places asNewport (1809), Merthyr Tydfil (1824), Cardiff (1825) and in thenorth, Bangor (1827), Wrexham (1828) and Caernarfon. By 1838,nine years after the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act, therewere approximately 6,250 Catholics in Wales, mostly in the dockareas of Swansea, Cardiff and Newport but also in the iron-producing capital of Merthyr Tydfil and in Wrexh

ewly aware of their statuswithin the apostolic succession, Jesus College ordinands returnedhome intent on enacting Tractarian principles within their parishes.In all, by 1890 the Welsh Church was in good heart

, it would not be until the 1870s that the WelshChurch would regain significant ground lost to a vibrant, popularDissent

he policy of appointing Englishmen to Welsh sees persisted,though it was among a section of the native clergy, yr hen offeiriadllengar (‘the old literary parsons’), that the Welsh cultural renaissanceof the early nineteenth century found its focus. Walter Davies(‘Gwallter Mechain’), John Jenkins (‘Ifor Ceri’), W. J. Rees, ofCascob in Radnorshire, and Thomas Price (‘Carnhuanawc’) werevital in re-establishing the eisteddfod movement and in preservingWelsh-language scholarshi

Despite Mann’s warnings, competitive campaigns of church building markedthe decades after , as nonconformist churches were built and rebuilt in aphysical demonstration of the arrival to social power and influence of the pre-viously excluded dissenters, and the establishment retaliated. Together theyasserted the presence of religious authority in the urban landscape. Grand non-conformist chapels were the ‘spiritual expressions of men who had . . . moulded. . . their towns’, who built villas, banks, warehouses, town halls, YMCAs an

Nevertheless, some, like the Black Country towns and the Welsh industrialtowns of Wrexham and Llanelli stood well above them – local factors, such asevangelistic blitzes on the exploited workforces of the Black Country, couldaffect regional pattern

A frequent alteration was to replace the longitudinal, east-west axis o f the rectangularplan o f a Gothic building by an emphasis on the short, north-south axis, by placing anelaborate pulpit in the middle o f the north wall and orientating the fixed seating to focusupon it, as in the Dordrecht church illustrated in figure 3.5. The Gothic chevet o f theformerly Roman Catholic church was either filled with seating or largely ignored, thefixed altar removed. Examples o f churches where this took place include Tzum,Buitenpost, and Huizinge.133 Larger buildings were sometimes subdivided or partsdemolished to create suitably centralised plans. On the exterior. Gothic stone mullionedlancet windows might be removed and replaced by Classicising round-headed windows,made in wood and painted white. The change demonstrated the replacement o f medievalRoman Catholicism by the Classicism o f the Early Church, representing modern,reformed Protestant Calvinism that could be recognised and understood without anyknowledge o f architectural theor

The mechanism o f the transfer o f architectural ideas from the rural vernacular to chapelsgiven by Jones is that the experience o f early congregations o f meeting in bams andcottages, either because of persecution or lack o f funds to build a chapel, later influencedthe form o f their chapels when they came to build them.

ostly in the ancient churches inthe rural areas, whilst Nonconformity could accommodate 73.8% o f the population.25This was a pattern that was repeated, though not to such an extreme, in other areas whererapid industrialisation had led to urbanisation in previously sparsely populated areas,rendering inadequate the provision o f Anglican parish churches. This reasoning has beenused to support the theory that it was the lack o f provision by the Anglican Church thatlead to a rapid increase in the increase in the numbers o f Dissenters. Again, this serves tocriticise the Anglican Church whilst emphasising the differences between it and Dissentand Nonconformity.

his seems all the more surprising when it is understood that each individualbuilding was funded by local initiative

able-ended chapels form the majority of chapels overall andare more readily associated with the urban development that took place in Wales duringthe nineteenth century

to have insisted dogmatically that only medieval architecture was trulyChristian

Sundays of theChurch, translations of English hymns, and, especially English Tractarian ones, and it also gavean impetus to Evangelical Anglicans to look to the past and to translate some of the glories of theearly Christian Church into Welsh

Many Welsh Tractarian hymn-writers did not emphasise or even mention suchextreme doctrines.

he distinction between shadows andsubstance is reminiscent of some verses from Morris Williams's Y Flwyddyn Eglwysig, in whichhe accused the Nonconformists of forsaking the substance for the shadow, for observing a merecommemoration at the Holy Communion, rather than believing that Christ isreally present. R.I.Jones regarded the Holy Communion, not as a commemoration, but as asymbol of the feast that believers would partake of in Heave

The reviewer complained that Hymnau Hen a Newydd was teaching the doctrines ofTractarianism to the Welsh people, and he accused the north Welsh of teaching these 'medievalnotions' to the rest of Wales

The reviewer pointed to the fact that most of he Welsh Tractarians came from thenorth, and he castigated them.

he title was reminiscentof Hymns, Ancient and Modern, which had appeared in 1861, and, under its editor, Sir HenryWilliams Baker, had been a product of the Oxford Movement. It was used extensively in Welshchurch

Theideas expressed in this poem about one faith and one baptism, and the fact that the Christianswent to heaven through the sacrament of Baptism obtained through the Church, were expressedin 1833, before the Oxford Movement had been heard of in Wales,and strongly imply that, atleast, in some parts of Wales, the soil was ready for the implanting of Tractarian ideas.