officers expected women to sew uniforms, wash clothing, and prepare food.

It will also shed some light on the nature of the revolutionary processes themselves. This chapter looks specifically at revolutionary Colombia, although it attempts to maintain a broader comparative horizon.

women’s rights and duties were redefined by the revolutionary process

| do not know if there be a reason for me to be judged as a Peruvian but if there is, may I be punished as one.

Although best known as the flamboyant friend, lover, and follower of Simén Bolivar, S4enz also was a firm defender of her rights under the law. Here, she invokes those rights i

By c.1821, throughout Spanish America, the victory of patriot forces meant not only the end of Spanish colonialism but the triumph of new liberal ideals and principles of government.

The immediate [male] relatives of the women patriots who receive this honor shall receive preference, in equal circumstances, for the employment they seek.

most sensitive.

he more delicate sex naturally should be the more patriotic: the tender character of its relationships within society bind it closely to the land of its birth, doubly predisposing it to act in favor of the latter. Those who bear the beloved titles of mother, wife, or daughter can do no less than be fervently interested in the fate of those who honor them as such. The fair sex of Peru, whose delicate sentiments make it even more attractive, could not help but distinguish itself for its determined patriotism [in view of] ... what it had to suffer under the previous [Spanish] regime ...

women received public recognition through the following decree and roll of “worthy women patriots" published in the official government newspaper. Consider: the purpose of the decree; how gender norms or ideals are reflected in its provisions and language; what it might have meant at the time for a woman to be publicly honored for her civic spirit or achievements; how these documents confirm (or not) the insights of historians whose writings appear later in this chapter.

What position did women occupy within the revolutionary project?

It is widely accepted that the French and American Revolutions were accompanied (or perhaps preceded) by profound changes in gender relations. Although there is no consensus about the precise nature of these changes, historians such as Joan Landes, Lynn Hunt, and Linda Kerber have elaborated impressive accounts of the revolutionary years that focus specifically on relations between men and women.

am a Colombian [a citizen of the Colombian Republic] and that such conduct shows a lack of the consideration and gratitude due this nation. Furthermore, I demand to be treated in accordance with the [universal] rights due [all] persons who have been imprisoned, whether justly or not.

keep both inherited wealth and that of their dowry, despite the fact that their husbands’ properties might be subject to seizure. 46 According to a law of confiscation enacted on 16 June 1819, the wealth of women and children who remained in free territory was not ‘tobe taken, while those females who had shown themselves hostile to the gov- ernment and had emigrated were free to return within a year's time to claim their properties.

Despite the latter two unfortunate migrations, many other women made it safely to foreign shores. Those who left, either by choice or by force, took their children with them, while their husbands remained behind. As the emigrés ex- pected to return home shortly, most of them chose to live out their exile in the nearby Caribbean islands. The lot of the displaced female was not a happy or prosperous one. Several island governors, namely those of Trinidad and Curagio, were overtly hostile to the republican sympathizers. The governor of ‘Trinidad refused to accept the emigrants from Caracas in 1814,41 on grounds that the scanty resources of the island could not sustain them. Poverty and misery seemed to be the fate of the wealthy women from Caracas and Cumané who lived in exile in Saint Thomas. Many of them, now heads of households, took menial jobs to support themselves and their families during these years. Several members of the Sojoy Herrera family, accustomed to the aristocratic life of Caracas, were forced to play the harp and guitar at local dances in order to earn a living, Others, like Melchora Palacios, shipped back small amounts of goods to Caracas and received payment in cacao. 42 In spite of the hardships

an Colombia were also its victims and martyrs. The immediate effects of the revolution on the women caught up in it were traumatic. The women who took partin the struggle and those who remained aloof from it alike faced rape, cap- ture, and death as insurgent and royatist armies swept across their lands. The Black Legend of Spanish cruelty had a measure of truth to it, given some of the atrocities committed by the royalists. For example, in San Mateo, Venezuela, in March 1814, Pedro Armas reported to a priest that the royalists had killed his eighty-year-old mother and three of his children, raped his daughter, and kidnapped his wife.

ir permanent residences, others left home and hearth to follow the soldiers throughout their campaigns. These so-called juanas or cholas (camp follower ‘were usually women of the people, half-castes, who went along as wives, ik) tresses, or companions of the common soldiers.

were arrested, tried, and then executed for aiding and abetting guerrillas during the 1816-19 resistance movement. General Pablo Morillo, whose forces occupied the territory during these years, gave his military commanders orders to proceed swiftly against all traitors, regardless of sex. Shortly thereafter, the executions began.21 Other women wh

at San Luis de Coro in 1821, with the rank of captain. Teresa Corneja and Manuela Tinoco, both from San Carlos, Venezuela, and Rosa Canelones of Arauca dressed up as men and took part in the battles of Gameza, Pantano de Vargas, and Boyac4.9 Women were also present at the battle of Pichincha, which liberated the Audiencia of Quito in 1822.1

Others may have found in the politically turbulent times a perfect channel for expressing their personal rebellion against society, which, at the moment, took a politi oC form.

ent during the revolutionary wars, Feminine participation in the events of the day was an individual matter, dictated solely by choice. Although the patriots of Gran Colombia were well aware of the activities of women in the preinde- pendence period, nothing was done directly by them to enlist their aid in the war effort. Nevertheless, participation was broadly based; lower-class females and those of mixed blood were as active and effective as women of the upper classes.

so they, too, re- sponded to social pressure to marry. Although women married early and were encouraged to produce large families, they did make contributions to certain areas of life both in and outside the home.

d were affected by it, as individuals, as mothers, and as wives. Therefore, it is neces- sary to reassess the nature of their contribution and the effects of the wars on their role and status in society. This approach wil lead to a fuller understand- ing of the revolutionary era.

established a link between the political liberation that wasoccurring and the end of slavery, while creating new opportunities for slaves tosecure their freedom.48This language that tied the area’s liberation with theending of slavery was reiterated by many of the independence figures over thefollowing years. It culminated in Bolívar’s oft-cited comment: “It seems to memadness that a revolution for freedom expects to maintain slavery.”

In the face of this crisis the authorities in Buenos Aires were prepared toarm slaves and accept them into the military. Their decision proved to be acritical one, for the recruits helped to defeat the invaders. As a reward and inaccordance with accepted practices, a number of them were given their free-dom.23With the outbreak of the independence wars after 1810an even moreexceptional situation arose. The spread of fighting created an unprecedenteddemand for soldiers, once again challenging long-held social barriers anddeeply felt racial fears.

but here the outbreak of warfare provided an opportunity for slaves tosecure their freedom in a way denied the slave population of Brazil

Can webelieve an owner who said that his slave had an “inclination to military ser-vice”?6Was he honestly quoting his slave who had expressed a desire to serve,or was he trying to unload a troublesome individual who was worth whateveramount the state was prepared to pay for slave recruits? Can we accept thewords of the slaves who also had reason to dissemble?

“recovering slave voices”

Because of their status and situation the area’s slaves were natu-rally drawn to any language that referred to freedom. That attraction involvedthem in a two-pronged struggle as the wars for independence spread. Theyfirst accepted the word’s application to the political field and responded bycommitting their lives to national liberation.

Criticscast Spain as an abusive and exploitative master that had dominated the Amer-icans and prevented them from fulfilling their potential. The latter’s fightthereby acquired a moral halo, as it sought to secure for the inhabitants ofSpanish America not only freedom but also justice, equality, human rights, andeverything else that their “enslavement” had prevented.

In the midst of the events of the early nineteenth century, theyaroused even more concern, particularly in Venezuela where slaves had takenup arms some years earlier and were engaged in a struggle that threatened todevelop into a race war, so that Izaguirre’s prompt arrest must have producedwidespread relief.

In 1815, as warfare raged throughout Spanish South America and an increas-ing number of the inhabitants, regardless of race or class, began accepting theidea of independence, a Venezuelan black named Juan Izaguirre was tellingslaves on the Valle de Onato estate that they were as free as anyone else

uld the President not appoint an honorable citizen, he will fear him as an encmy incamate and be ever suspicious of his secret ambi- tions. The Vice President will have to exert himself in order to merit, throug

will administer the affairs of the state and succeed the President in office. By means of this device we shall avoid elections, which re- sult in that great scourge of republics—anarchy, which is the hand- maiden of tyranny, the most imminent and terrible peril of popular government.

ctice for the Secretary of State to succeed the President. Nothing. could be more expedient, in any republic, than this practice. It has the advantage of placing at the head of the administration a man ex- perienced in the management of a nation. In entering upon his duties, he is fully prepared and brings with

involving property, honor, and life, and the magistrates or men of state in all major public acts. As they owe their position, their distinction, and their fortune to the people alone, the President cannot hope to entangle them in his personal am- Ditions. If to this is added the natural growth of opposition which a democra

President for life, with the right to choose his successor.

This su- preme authority must be perpetual, for in non-hierarchical systems, Move than in others, a fixed point is needed about which leaders and citizens, men and affairs ean revolve. “Give me a point where I may and,” sdid an ancient sage, “end I will move the earth.” For Bolivia this point is the lifeterm President [presidente vitalicio]. Upon him yests our entire order, notwithstanding his lack of powers,

Ability is the only prereq- uisite for this post. It is not necessary to possess property to have the august right of

ough the les- sons of experience point only to long periods of disaster, interrupted by the briefest intervals of success. What guideposts shall we follow amidst the gloom of such disheartening precedents? - Legislators! Your duty compels you to avoid a str