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  1. Sep 2025
    1. The danger is that Western politicians will overreact to the hos- tile rhetoric, stir up public opinion, and shut off contact, thus miss- ing the opportunities that such rhetoric conceals. A better policy would be for Western leaders to keep a clear head, respond calmly to rhetorical attacks, and give up nothing of substance, while remain- ing alert for the change in the weather that will come as the new president realizes the incoherence of his own plans and is pushed back toward an ambivalent partnership with t

      The idea of long term patency in diplomacy is brought up with this article which also stresses how important it is to separate between rhetorical and real policy conduct. It was important because it suggested that leaders may miss genuine engagement chances because of their emotional responses to hostile words. Treisman gives normative recommendations for Western policymakers while giving his viewpoint in a subjective manner. The main conclusions are that effective diplomacy requires an understanding of difference between rhetoric and reality and that judgment should be given importance over response in foreign affairs. This also explains why the way the West reacts to negative comments which either increase tension or create partnership.

    2. This geographical and industrial concentration meant that those who happened to be sitting in the best seats after the Soviet-era music stopped became instant millionaires. (In the late 1980s, the central gov- ernment essentially lost the power to fire enterprise directors.) Whether these raw materials barons cashed in their chips in the mafia-ridden free- for-all that was the state economy under Mikhail Gorbachev or in the mafia-ridden free-for-all of the market economy under Yeltsin was a sec- ondary question. The rise of economic "oligarchs" was virtually inevitable. That Viktor Chernomyrdin, Gorbachev's natural gas minis- ter, ended up Yeltsin's prime minister by late 1992 was symptomatic of the way control of natural resources paved the way to political influence.

      This passage shows the idea of resource based power and the post soviet Russia's likely emergence of oligarchs. It shows how control over natural resources impacted who earned money and power, it caught specific connections to political influences. Treisman uses Viktor's transition from natural gas minister to prime minister as an example to emotionally support his view. This supports the claim that resource domination, not democratic institutions or formal processes were primarily factored into the political influence of Russia.