34 Matching Annotations
  1. May 2023
    1. Is there a faithful compliance with the objectives of the Charter if some countries continue to curtail human rights and freedoms instead of to promote the universal respect for an observance of human rights and freedoms for all as called for by the Charter?

      Roosevelt does not seem to have much faith in the words of the charter itself, but seems to call for example and action throughout her defense and explanation of the charter. She believed that only living the character would guide the actions and behavior of others. This hope that Roosevelt have would become real, as the U.N's declaration of human rights has become a point of behavioral guidance for humanity, as can be seen in the 50th anniversary of the U.N's declaration of human rights.

    2. The field of human rights is not one in which compromise on fundamental principles are possible.

      Roosevelt highlights this point which is very interesting, because the United Nations does not enforce the Declaration of human rights. Despite Roosevelt's assertive comments about human rights and the push for the U.N's declaration of human rights to be completed, the declaration of human rights has only served as moral guidance for the world.

    3. The development of the ideal of freedom and its translation into the everyday life of the people in great areas of the earth is the product of the efforts of many peoples. It is the fruit of a long tradition of vigorous thinking and courageous action.

      Roosevelt here appeals to pathos to encourage motivation about the attempt of creating effort toward freedom and individual rights for everyone, where everyone has individual freedom and rights that are not controlled but belong to the individual, and are respected. The U.N has accomplished Roosevelt's vision of what the U.N's declaration of human rights should be to people and the world as is seen in the below documentation of the U.N's declaration of human rights' 50th anniversary.

    4. In the United States we have a capitalistic economy. That is because public opinion favors that type of economy under the conditions in which we live. But we have imposed certain restraints; for instance, we have antitrust laws. These are the legal evidence of the determination of the American people to maintain an economy of free competition and not to allow monopolies to take away the people’s freedom.

      Eleanor agrees to the inclusion of economic rights at the request of Russia. Russia argued that a declaration of human rights should include social and economic rights, not just political rights. The U.N's declaration of human rights originally included political rights, but not economic or social rights. Despite this, Russia still did not assent to the U.N's declaration of human rights, Roosevelts move here was to appease the Russians to draw them towards assenting to the U.N's declaration of human rights through persuasion by being agreeable to Russia's appeal to logos. This however did not work.

    5. I have great sympathy with the Russian people. They love their country and have always defended it valiantly against invaders. They have been through a period of revolution, as a result of which they were for a time cut off from outside contact. They have not lost their resulting suspicion of other countries and the great difficulty is today that their government encourages this suspicion and seems to believe that force alone will bring them respect.

      Despite what Roosevelt states here, she did not have the same approach to Russia when drafting the United Nations Declaration of human rights. She was often frustrated with their push to redefine human rights, and their push to include economic and social rights into the declaration of human rights. Despite her including economic rights in the declaration of human rights. Russia still did not want to agree with the content in the declaration of human rights.

    6. I think the best example one can give of this basic difference of the use of terms is “the right to work.” The Soviet Union insists that this is a basic right which it alone can guarantee because it alone provides full employment by the government. But the right to work in the Soviet Union means the assignment of workers to do whatever task is given to them by the government without an opportunity for the people to participate in the decision that the government should do this. A society in which everyone works is not necessarily a free society and may indeed be a slave society; on the other hand, a society in which there is widespread economic insecurity can turn freedom into a barren and vapid right for millions of people.

      Roosevelt gives a specific example here in contrasting definitions of terms held by the soviet union and the United States. She proceeds to critique the Soviets understanding of the right to work, noting that it the soviet unions understanding of the right to work does not include individual freedom, because they understand the right to work as being given by the government. Roosevelt points out such control is not freedom, but is akin to a slave society. Interestingly she does not use assertive language when saying this, but only states that a totalitarian society with control of the right to work may be a slave society. It is however interesting that the U.N's declaration of human rights does not initially include social rights, as social rights are something that Roosevelt was very focused on in her career.

    7. The Declaration has come from the Human Rights Commission with unanimous acceptance except for four abstentions -- the U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia, Ukraine, and Byelorussia. The reason for this is a fundamental difference in the conception of human rights as they exist in these states and in certain other Member States in the United Nations. In the discussion before the Assembly, I think it should be made crystal clear what these differences are and tonight I want to spend a little time making them clear to you. It seems to me there is a valid reason for taking the time today to think carefully and clearly on the subject of human rights, because in the acceptance and observance of these rights lies the root, I believe, of our chance of peace in the future, and for the strengthening of the United Nations organization to the point where it can maintain peace in the future.

      The focal point of Roosevelt's essay is her frustration with communist countries. The attack on the U.N's declaration of human rights is primarily definitional in substance (though ideological in dispute). Although The U.N's declaration of human rights is presumptive about the terms democracy and human freedom, there is not universal agreement on what those terms mean.

    8. The place to discuss the issue of human rights is in the forum of the United Nations. The United Nations has been set up as the common meeting ground for nations, where we can consider together our mutual problems and take advantage of our differences in experience.

      Roosevelt appeals to pathos here by attempting to build mutuality. She encourages hope, good faith and a common basis understanding to facilitate a trusting connection between the members of the United Nations to further the advance of human rights.

    9. The world at large is aware of the tragic consequences for human beings ruled by totalitarian systems. If we examine Hitler’s rise to power, we see how the chains are forged which keep the individual a slave and we cans e many similarities in the way things are accomplished in other countries.

      Roosevelt reinforces her point here, appealing to the ideological failure of totalitarian systems to invoke empathy about what happens if human freedom is not protected.

    10. It is my belief, and I am sure it is also yours, that the struggle for democracy and freedom is a critical struggle, for their preservation is essential to the great objective of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security.

      Human freedom as Roosevelt understands it is listed as the dominant opinion/perspective. Roosevelt here presumes the dominant understanding of democracy and freedom, after spending much time explaining why the understanding of human freedom in totalitarian countries is not human freedom.

    11. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of information, freedom of assembly -- these are not just abstract ideals to us; they are tools with which we create a way of life, a way of life in which we can enjoy freedom.

      Eleanor moves the conversation away from one of efficiency to one of morality. She highlights that communist governments recognize individual rights as something abstract, and a byproduct of benefiting from the government. They do not recognize individual freedom and rights to be moral rights.

    12. It is true that they have been many cases where newspapers in the U.S.S.R. have criticized officials and their actions and have been responsible for the removal of those officials, but in doing so they did not criticize anything which was fundamental to Communist beliefs.

      Roosevelt uses logos here, appealing to inductive reasoning by listing empirical examples of a communist government violating the rights of individuals, even when they do not pose a threat to governmental principles or ideas, simply because the government can do so.

    13. For instance, the U.S.S.R. will assert that their press is free because the state makes it free by providing the machinery, the paper, and even the money for salaries for the people who work on the paper. They state that there is no control over what is printed in the various papers that they subsidize in this manner, such, for instance, as a trade-union paper. But what would happen if a paper were to print ideas which were critical of the basic policies and beliefs of the Communist government.? I am sure some good reason would be found for abolishing the paper.

      Roosevelt appeals to logos here. She explains a what if scenario using the premises of a totalitarian government and it's rights over it's people if is allowed to control human rights and freedom. She invokes deductive argumentation by positing casual, logistical reasoning about the plausibility of abuses from a totalitarian government.

    14. The U.S.S.R. Representatives assert that they already have achieved many things which we, in what they call the "bourgeois democracies" cannot achieve because their government controls the accomplishment of these things.

      Roosevelt lists argumentation here about Russia's perspective of the U.S's democracy, She attempts to list what Russia's argumentation is for not agreeing with the U.S's understanding of democracy.

    15. There are basic differences that show up even in the use of words between a democratic and a totalitarian country. For instance "democracy" means one thing to the U.S.S.R. and another the U.S.A. and, I know, in France. I have served since the first meeting of the nuclear commission on the Human Rights Commission, and I think this point stands out clearly.

      Roosevelt makes sure to point out that terms like democracy are understood differently by different governments. Countries have their own understanding of freedom and democracy that they adhere to.

    16. In the preamble to the Charter the keynote is set when it declares: "We the people of the United Nations determined...to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and...to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom."

      The beginning of the essay starts with a statement of the fundamental right of human freedom. It lists a hegemonic approach to listing what terms like freedom and rights are by presuming the understanding of these terms as the U.N'S understanding

    17. The decisive importance of this issue was fully recognized by the founders of the United Nations at San Francisco. Concern for the preservation and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms stands at the heart of the United Nations.

      Roosevelt appeals to ethos here, using the United Nations as a point for the authority of the charter. She uses language like "fully recognized" and "decisive importance, giving respect to and acknowledging the authority of the U.N

    1. The decisive importance of this issue was fully recognized by the founders of the UnitedNations at San Francisco. Concern for the preservation and promotion of human rights andfundamental freedoms stands at the heart of the United Nations.

      Roosevelt appeals to ethos here, using the United Nations as a point for the authority of the charter. She uses language like "fully recognized" and "decisive importance, giving respect to and acknowledging the authority of the U.N

    2. Is there a faithful compliance with the objectives of theCharter if some countries continue to curtail human rights and freedoms instead of to promotethe universal respect for an observance of human rights and freedoms for all as called for bythe Charter?

      Roosevelt does not seem to have much faith in the words of the charter itself, but seems to call for example and action throughout her defense and explanation of the charter. She believed that only living the character would guide the actions and behavior of others. This hope that Roosevelt have would become real, as the U.N's declaration of human rights has become a point of behavioral guidance for humanity, as can be seen in the 50th anniversary of the U.N's declaration of human rights.

    3. The development of the ideal of freedom and its translation into the everyday life of thepeople in great areas of the earth is the product of the efforts of many peoples. It is the fruitof a long tradition of vigorous thinking and courageous action.

      Roosevelt here appeals to pathos to encourage motivation about the attempt of creating effort toward freedom and individual rights for everyone, where everyone has individual freedom and rights that are not controlled but belong to the individual, and are respected. The U.N has accomplished Roosevelt's vision of what the U.N's declaration of human rights should be to people and the world as is seen in the below documentation of the U.N's declaration of human rights' 50th anniversary.

    4. I think the best example one can give of this basic difference of the use of terms is “the rightto work.” The Soviet Union insists that this is a basic right which it alone can guaranteebecause it alone provides full employment by the government. But the right to work in theSoviet Union means the assignment of workers to do whatever task is given to them by thegovernment without an opportunity for the people to participate in the decision that thegovernment should do this. A society in which everyone works is not necessarily a free societyand may indeed be a slave society; on the other hand, a society in which there is widespreadeconomic insecurity can turn freedom into a barren and vapid right for millions of people.

      Roosevelt gives a specific example here in contrasting definitions of terms held by the soviet union and the United States. She proceeds to critique the Soviets understanding of the right to work, noting that it the soviet unions understanding of the right to work does not include individual freedom, because they understand the right to work as being given by the government. Roosevelt points out such control is not freedom, but is akin to a slave society. Interestingly she does not use assertive language when saying this, but only states that a totalitarian society with control of the right to work may be a slave society. It is however interesting that the U.N's declaration of human rights does not initially include social rights, as social rights are something that Roosevelt was very focused on in her career.

    5. In the United States we have a capitalistic economy. That is because public opinion favors thattype of economy under the conditions in which we live. But we have imposed certainrestraints; for instance, we have antitrust laws. These are the legal evidence of thedetermination of the American people to maintain an economy of free competition and not toallow monopolies to take away the people’s freedom.

      Eleanor agrees to the inclusion of economic rights at the request of Russia. Russia argued that a declaration of human rights should include social and economic rights, not just political rights. The U.N's declaration of human rights originally included political rights, but not economic or social rights. Despite this, Russia still did not assent to the U.N's declaration of human rights, Roosevelts move here was to appease the Russians to draw them towards assenting to the U.N's declaration of human rights through persuasion by being agreeable to Russia's appeal to logos. This however did not work.

    6. The Declaration has come from the Human Rights Commission with unanimous acceptanceexcept for four abstentions -- the U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia, Ukraine, and Byelorussia. The reasonfor this is a fundamental difference in the conception of human rights as they exist in thesestates and in certain other Member States in the United Nations.In the discussion before the Assembly, I think it should be made crystal clear what thesedifferences are and tonight I want to spend a little time making them clear to you. It seems tome there is a valid reason for taking the time today to think carefully and clearly on thesubject of human rights, because in the acceptance and observance of these rights lies theroot, I believe, of our chance of peace in the future, and for the strengthening of the UnitedNations organization to the point where it can maintain peace in the future.

      The focal point of Roosevelt's essay is her frustration with communist countries. The attack on the U.N's declaration of human rights is primarily definitional in substance (though ideological in dispute). Although The U.N's declaration of human rights is presumptive about the terms democracy and human freedom, there is not universal agreement on what those terms mean.

    7. It is true that they have been many cases where newspapers in the U.S.S.R. have criticizedofficials and their actions and have been responsible for the removal of those officials, but indoing so they did not criticize anything which was fundamental to Communist beliefs.

      Roosevelt uses logos here, appealing to inductive reasoning by listing empirical examples of a communist government violating the rights of individuals, even when they do not pose a threat to governmental principles or ideas, simply because the government can do so.

    8. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press,freedom of information, freedom of assembly -- these are not just abstract ideals to us; theyare tools with which we create a way of life, a way of life in which we can enjoy freedom.

      Eleanor moves the conversation away from one of efficiency to one of morality. She highlights that communist governments recognize individual rights as something abstract, and a byproduct of benefiting from the government. They do not recognize individual freedom and rights to be moral rights.

    9. The U.S.S.R. Representatives assert that they already have achieved many things which we,in what they call the "bourgeois democracies" cannot achieve because their governmentcontrols the accomplishment of these things.

      Roosevelt lists argumentation here about Russia's perspective of the U.S's democracy, She attempts to list what Russia's argumentation is for not agreeing with the U.S's understanding of democracy.

    10. In the preamble to the Charter the keynote is set when it declares: "We the people of theUnited Nations determined...to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity andworth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large andsmall, and...to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom."

      The beginning of the essay starts with a statement of the fundamental right of human freedom. It lists a hegemonic approach to listing what terms like freedom and rights are by presuming the understanding of these terms as the U.N'S understanding

    11. For instance, the U.S.S.R. will assert that their press is free because the state makes it free byproviding the machinery, the paper, and even the money for salaries for the people who workon the paper. They state that there is no control over what is printed in the various papersthat they subsidize in this manner, such, for instance, as a trade-union paper. But what wouldhappen if a paper were to print ideas which were critical of the basic policies and beliefs of theCommunist government.? I am sure some good reason would be found for abolishing thepaper.

      Roosevelt appeals to logos here. She explains a what if scenario using the premises of a totalitarian government and it's rights over it's people if is allowed to control human rights and freedom. She invokes deductive argumentation by positing casual, logistical reasoning about the plausibility of abuses from a totalitarian government.

    12. There are basic differences that show up even in the use of words between a democratic and atotalitarian country. For instance "democracy" means one thing to the U.S.S.R. and anotherthe U.S.A. and, I know, in France. I have served since the first meeting of the nuclearcommission on the Human Rights Commission, and I think this point stands out clearly.

      Roosevelt makes sure to point out that terms like democracy are understood differently by different governments. Countries have their own understanding of freedom and democracy that they adhere to.

    13. The place to discuss the issue of human rights is in the forum of the United Nations. TheUnited Nations has been set up as the common meeting ground for nations, where we canconsider together our mutual problems and take advantage of our differences in experience.

      Roosevelt appeals to pathos here by attempting to build mutuality. She encourages hope, good faith and a common basis understanding to facilitate a trusting connection between the members of the United Nations to further the advance of human rights.

    14. I have great sympathy with the Russian people. They love their country and have alwaysdefended it valiantly against invaders. They have been through a period of revolution, as aresult of which they were for a time cut off from outside contact.

      Despite what Roosevelt states here, she did not have the same approach to Russia when drafting the United Nations Declaration of human rights. She was often frustrated with their push to redefine human rights, and their push to include economic and social rights into the declaration of human rights. Despite her including economic rights in the declaration of human rights. Russia still did not want to agree with the content in the declaration of human rights.

    15. The field of human rights is not one in which compromise on fundamental principles arepossible.

      Roosevelt highlights this point which is very interesting, because the United Nations does not enforce the Declaration of human rights. Despite Roosevelt's assertive comments about human rights and the push for the U.N's declaration of human rights to be completed, the declaration of human rights has only served as moral guidance for the world.

    16. The world at large is aware of the tragic consequences for human beings ruled by totalitariansystems. If we examine Hitler’s rise to power, we see how the chains are forged which keepthe individual a slave and we cans e many similarities in the way things are accomplished inother countries.

      Roosevelt reinforces her point here, appealing to the ideological failure of totalitarian systems to invoke empathy about what happens if human freedom is not protected.

    17. It is my belief, and I am sure it is also yours, that the struggle for democracy and freedom isa critical struggle, for their preservation is essential to the great objective of the UnitedNations to maintain international peace and security.

      Human freedom as Roosevelt understands it is listed as the dominant opinion/perspective. Roosevelt here presumes the dominant understanding of democracy and freedom, after spending much time explaining why the understanding of human freedom in totalitarian countries is not human freedom.