Social workers in Australia (Mays & Marston,2016) and South Africa (Sewpaul, 2005) arrived atsimilar conclusions. Mays and Marston (2016) ar-gued that the rise of neoliberalism “has created apunitive approach to governing poverty” (p. 3)

This concept,influenced by Thomas Paine’s early writings

According to Yescombe, the feature of payments over the lifetime of the project tothe private sector party for the use of the facility is an important feature of the PPP.This is a logical argument and justifies itself for inclusion in the definition.On the subject of ownership of the facility, Yescombe as well as Farquharson et alnote that it is unequivocally clear that it lies with the public sector. This aspect mustbe made clear in the definition of the PPP

In addition, every socialmovement and effort to defend citizens’ rights can trace its roots back to the non-profit sector (Melendez 1998)

What, then, is the US model? We have already noted the demand-drivenaspect of it, and the patchwork character of the overall result. These characteristicsare made possible by an electorate that can be seen as reconciling three valuestreams (Lipset 1996):• individual freedom, formal equality before the law, and due process;• high levels of tolerance for significant disparities in material wealth andwellbeing combined with a belief in individual advancement andresponsibility (the ‘American Dream’), and• a ‘taken-for-grantedness’ of the US Government as best blueprint for thepolitical constitution of society and system of government that requires only‘fine-tuning’, never major ‘overhauls’ to maintain and perfect it.

Source: Kaiser Family Foundation 2019

(Erikson, 2006;Kaplan & Keil, 1993; Warren, Hoonakker, Carayon, & Brand, 2004)

Individuals working in higher statusoccupations have substantially better health even after adjusting for their higher educa-tion and better pay, a finding famously demonstrated in the Whitehall study of Britishcivil servants, who all have access to health care and decent working conditions(Marmot et al., 1998)

Those who make this argumentcontend that research should focus on the construc-tions, not on the reasons the constructions havearisen or how constructions differ from objectivereality.

One of the major contentions of some social con-structionists(sometimes called strict-constructionists)is that there is no objective reality but only theconstruction itself (Spector and Kitsuse 1987, J.Schneider 1985).

studies of agenda setting, legislative behavior, andpolicy formulationand design, as well as to studies ofcitizen orientation, conception of citizenship, andstyle of participation

Institutions are embedded within contextswhere specific power dynamics are in effect and negotiated (Lowndes,2010), they open or close options for connections (Hall and Lamont,2009) and reforms (Immergut, 1992) and therefore shape the pathwaysavailable for social-claims (re)-rendering certain groups more powerfulthan others.

To develop this argument further, we need to ac-knowledge that the interplay between institutions and individuals doesnot happen in a vacuum.

Hence, intersectionalitybecomes all the more relevant as it enables us to reveal a range ofminority political struggles that are often obscured and diluted within aliberal discourse of ‘diversity

as heterogeneous entities that weave social privilege and disadvantagebeyond socioeconomic stratification (Beckfield et al., 2015)

Empirically chroniclinghealth disparities is of limited value unless we alsochart a course towards health justice — a world wherethe structural positioning of people and communities(vis-à-vis ascriptive categories of difference) does notdictate their health and well-being.

Interestingly, calculus was discovered independently by mathematiciansNewton and Leibnitz, working at about the same time in the 1600s.

Introduction

These societal expectations and legal rights and protections withstood early challengesduring the 1970s, as the costs associated with providing services under Medicaid resulted instate efforts to roll back program benefits. Then, in the 1980s, Medicaid costs soared higher,as eligibility reforms nearly doubled the program’s enrollment and some providers (e.g.,community health centers) were given higher payments for the Medicaid services theyprovided

public insurance programs like Medicarewould lead individuals to seek unnecessary care.

Adding to the increased risk, the assumed rate of return on pension assets had been increased twoyears earlier from 7 percent to an aggressive 8.75 percent.7 Assuming more aggressive returns oninvestments meant that less money had to be set aside today