The chief point is that without an organizing dominance hierarchy, social order supposedly is seen to break down into individualistic, unproductive competition.
Without dominance there is chaos, and no productivity can take place
The chief point is that without an organizing dominance hierarchy, social order supposedly is seen to break down into individualistic, unproductive competition.
Without dominance there is chaos, and no productivity can take place
Asia and freed them on Cayo Santiago. Mter a period of social chaos, they organized themselves into six groups containing both sexes and ranging in size from three to '47 animals. The monkeys were allowed to range freely over the thirty-seven-acre island and to divide space and other resources with little outside interference. The first major study undertaken of them was of their sexual behaviour, including periodicity of oestrus, homosexual, autoerotic, and 'nonconfonnist' behaviour. Carpenter's conclusions noted that intragroup dominance by males was strongly correlated with sexual activity, and so presumably with evolutionary advantage. All the sexist interpretations with which we have become monotonously familiar were present in the analysis of the study, including such renderings of animal activities as, 'Homosexual females who play masculine roles attack females who play the feminine role prior to the formation of a female-female consort relation' (Carpenter, '964, p. 339). In harmony with the guiding notion of the ties of sex and dominance in the fundamental organization of the rhesus groups, Carpenter performed what on the surface is a very simple experiment, but one which represents the whole complex of layered explanation of the natural body politic from the physiological to the political. After watching the undisturbed group for one week as a control, he removed the 'alpha male' (the animal judged most dominant on the basis of priority access to food, sex, and so on) named Diablo, from his group. Carpenter then observed the remaining animals for one week, removed the number 2 male, waited another week, removed the number 3 male, waited, restored all three males to the group, and again observed the social behaviour. He noted that removal of Diablo resulted iIi immediate restriction of the territorial range of the group on the island relative to other groups. Social order was seriously disrupted. 'The group organization became more fluid and there was an increase in intra-group conflict and fights . .. After a marked disruption lasting three weeks, the group was suddenly restructured when the dominant males were released' (1964, p. 362). Social order was restored, and the group regained its prior favourable position relative to other groups. Several questions immediately arise. Why did Carpenter not use as a control the removal of other than dominant males from the group to test his organizing hypothesis about the source of social order? Literally, he removed the putative head from the collective animal body. What did this field experiment, this decapitation, mean to Carpenter? First, it must be examined on a physiological level. Carpenter relied on A Political Physiology of Dominance 17 biological concepts for understanding social bodies.
Relying on biological concepts to understand social bodies - the thesis of this essay
nd techniques of medical, educational, and industrial management
Management = a form of control
The functionalist disciplines underlay strong ideologies of social control
functionality leads to idealism which leads to control
Josie seems notto have seen her world in terms of trading sex for 'privilege', but to Yerkes that economic link of physiology and politics seemed to have been scientifically confirmed to lie at the organic base of civilization
Relation between sex and power, and how women now must use sex for privilege
Mind would order and rule lower functions to create society.
Mind over matter
t has always been a feature for the use of the chimpanzee as an "'l'erimental animal to shape it intelligently to specification instead of trying to preserve its natural characteristics. We have believed it impor-tant to conven the animal into as nearly ideal a subject for biological research as is practicable. And with this intent has been associated the hope that eventual success might serve as an effective demonstration of the possibility of re-creating man himself in the image of a generally acceptable ideal.
Wanting to train a monkey to eventually learn how to train humans
e come face to face with the necessity of a dialectical understanding of scientific labour in producing for us our knowledge of nature
We think we must produce experiments to understand nature, and therefore end up dominating the subjects we are experimenting on
social disciplines was the project of human engineering - that is, the project of design and management of human material for efficient, rational functioning in a scientifically ordered society.
Social discipline came from the need to have an efficient and functional orderly society
the liberal theory of society (based on functionalism and hierarchical systems theories)
Theory of society is rooted in functionality and hierarchy
he biosocial sciences have not simply been sexist mirrors of our own social world. They have also been tools in the reproduction of that world, both in supplying legitimating ideologies and in enhancing material power.
The biosocial sciences perpetuate sexist ideologies
he ironically named historical materialism based on reproduction
Labour encourages a culture focused on production and reproduction
Through labour, we make ourselves individually and collectively in a constant interaction with all that has not yet been humanized. Neither our personal bodies nor our social bodies may be seen as natural, in the sense of existing outside the self-creating process called human labour. What we experience and theorize as nature and as culture are transformed by our work. All we touch and therefore know, including our organic and our social bodies, is made possible for us through labour.
The only way we know ourselves is through labour.
capitalist ideology of culture against natur
Capitalism promotes culture against nature - one must repress their natural instincts to build a culture
she accepted that there are natural objects (bodies) separate from social relations
Natural objects = bodies - bodies as objects
seeing technical control as a solution
Technical control is the best way to repress a body
the total control of now alienated bodies in a machine-determined future.
Logic of the domination of technology
Firestone located the flaw in women's position in the body politic in our own bodies, in our subservience to the organic demands of reproduction. In that critical sense she accepted a historical materialism based on reproduction and lost the possibility for a feminist-socialist theory of the body politic that would not see our personal bodies as the ultimate enemy
Women positioning the body as the enemy
epression of nature.
Key term
individual and political bodies to show the extraordinary patriarchal and authoritarian structure of our conceptions and experiences of bot
Our conceptions of and experiences with our individual and political bodies are patriarchal and authoritarian
cultural repression
Important term
The body politic is in the first instance seen to be founded on natural individuals whose instincts must be con-quered to make possible the cultural group
One must repress their body based on social standards
by agreeing that lnature' is our enemy and that we must control our 'natural' bodies (by techniques given to us by biomedical science) at all costs to enter the hallowed kingdom of the cultural body politic as defmed by liberal (and radical) theorists of political economy, instead of by ourselves. This cultural body politic was clearly identified by Marx: the marketplace that remakes all things and people into commodities.
"the marketplace that remakes all things and people into commodities"
We have allowed the theory of the body politic to be split in such a way that natural knowledge is reincorporated covertly into techniques of social control instead of being transformed into sciences of liberation.
Danger
Women know very well that knowledge from the natural sciences has been used in the interests of our domination and not our liberation, birth control propagandists notwithstanding.
How women have been dominated by science
This anti-liberation core of knowledge and practice in our sciences is an important buttress of social control.'
Science helps regulate social control
The degree to which the principle of domination is deeply embedded in our natural sciences, especially in those disciplines that seek to explain social groups and behaviour, must not be underestimated.
Domination is rooted in science
domination, especially of domination based on differences seen as natural, given, inescapable, and therefore moral.
Domination based on fixed "natural" differences
Without question, the modem evolutionary concept of a population, as the fundamental natural group, owes much to classical ideas of the body politic, which in tum are inextricably ioterwoven with the social relationships of production and reproduction.
Important definition: body politic
The phrase, 'inappropriate/ d others', is borrowed from the Vietnamese film-maker and feminist theorist, Trinh T. Minh-ha. She used the term to suggest the historical positioning of those who refuse to adopt the mask of either 'self' or 'other' offered by dominant narratives of identity and Introduction 3 politics. Her metaphors suggest a geometry for considering the relations of difference other than hierarchical domination, incorporation of 'parts' into 'wholes', or antagonistic opposition. But her metaphors also suggest the hard intellectual, cultural, and political work these new geometries will require, if not from simians, at least from cyborgs and women. The essays show the contradictory matrices of their composition. The examination of the recent history of the term sex/gender, written for a German Marxist dictionary, exemplifies the textual politics embedded in producing standard reference-work accounts of complicated struggles. The Cyborg Manifesto was written to fmd political direction in the 1980s in the face of the hybrids 'we' seemed to have become world-wide. The examina- tion of the debates about 'scientific objectivity' in feminist theory argues for a transformation of the despised metaphors of organic and technological vision in order to foreground specific positioning, multiple mediation, partial perspective, and therefore a possible allegory for feminist scientific and political knowledge. Nature emerges from this exercise as 'coyote'. This potent trickster can show us that historically specific human relations with 'nature' must somehow - linguistically, ethically, scientifically, politically, technologically, and epistemologically - be imagined as genuinely social and actively relational; and yet the partners remain utterly inhomogeneous. 'Our' relations with 'nature' might be imagined as a social engagement with a being who is neither 'it', 'you', 'thou', 'he', 'she" nor 'they' in relation to 'us'. The pronouns embedded in sentences about contestations for what may count as nature are themselves political tools, expressing hopes, fears, and contradictory histories. Grammar is politics by other means. 'What narrative possibilities might lie in monstrous linguistic figures for relations with 'nature' for ecofeminist work? Curiously, as for people before us in Western discourses, efforts to come to linguistic terms with the non-representability, historical contingency, artefactuality, and yet spontaneity, necessity, fragility, and stunning profusions of 'nature' can help us refigure the kind of persons we might be. These persons can no longer be, if they ever were, master subjects, nor alienated subjects, but - just possibly - multiply heterogeneous, inhomogeneous, accountable, and connected human agents. But we must never again connect as parts to wholes, as marked beings incorporated into unmarked ones, as unitary and complementary subjects serving the one Subject of monotheism and its secular heresies. We must have agency - or agencies - without defended subjects. Finally, the mapping of the biopolitical body considered from the perspective of contemporary immune system discourse probes again for ways to refigure multiplicities outside the geometry of part/whole constraints. How can our 'natural' bodies be reimagined - and relived - in ways that 2 Simians, Cyborgs, and Women systems of 'difference' in a postmodern world. Throughout these diverse contents, this book treats constructions of nature as a crucial cultural process for people who need and hope to live in a world less riddled by the dominations of race, colonialism, class, gender, and sexuality. Inhabiting these pages are odd boundary creatures - simians, cyborgs, and women - all of which have had a destabilizing place in the great Western evolutionary, technological, and biological narratives. These boundary crea- tures are, literally, monsters, a word that shares more than its root with the word, to demonstrate. Monsters signifY. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women interro- gates the multi-faceted biopolitical, biotechnological, and feminist theoret- ical stories of the situated knowledges by and about these promising and non-inoocent monsters. The power-differentiated and highly contested modes of being of these monsters may be signs of possible worlds - and they are surely signs of worlds for which we are responsible. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women collects essays written from 1978 through 1989, a period of complicated political, cultural, and epistemological foment within the many feminisms which have appeared in the last decades. Focusing on the biopolitical narratives of the sciences of monkeys and apes, the earliest essays were written from within US Eurocentric socialist- feminism. They treat the deep constitution of nature in modern biology as a system of production and reproduction, that is, as a labouring system, with all the ambiguities and dominations inherent in that metaphor. How did nature for a dominant cultural group with immense power to make its stories into reality become a system of work, ruled by the hierarchical division of labour, where the inequities of race, sex, and class could be naturalized in functioning systems of exploitation? What were the consequences for views of the lives of animals and people? The middle set of chapters examines contests for narrative forms and strategies among feminists, as the heteroglossia and power inequities within modern feminism and among contemporary women became inescapable. The section concludes with an examination of ways of reading a modern Nigerian-British author, Buchi Emecheta, as an example of contests among differendy situated African, Afro-American, and Euro-American critics over what will count as women's experience in the pedagogical context of a women's studies classroom. What kind of accountability, coalition, opposi- tion, constituencies, and publishing practices structure particular readings of such an author on such a topic? Part Three, 'Differential Politics for Inappropriate/d Others', contains four essays. The phrase, 'inappropriate/ d others', is borrowed from the Vietnamese film-maker and feminist theorist, Trinh T. Minh-ha. She used the term to suggest the historical positioning of those who refuse to adopt the mask of either 'self' or 'other' offered by dominant narratives of identity and Introduction 3 politics. Her metaphors suggest a geometry for considering the relations of difference other than hierarchical domination, incorporation of 'parts' into 'wholes', or antagonistic opposition. But her metaphors also suggest the hard intellectual, cultural, and political work these new geometries will require, if not from simians, at least from cyborgs and women.
imians, Cyborgs, and Women collects essays written from 1978 through 1989, a period of complicated political, cultural, and epistemological foment within the many feminisms which have appeared in the last decades.
Important dates
this book treats constructions of nature as a crucial cultural process for people who need and hope to live in a world less riddled by the dominations of race, colonialism, class, gender, and sexuality.
Main idea
A cyborg is a hybrid creature, composed of organism and machine. But, cyborgs are compounded of special kinds of machines and special kinds of organisms appropriate to the late twentieth century. Cyborgs are post-Second World War hybrid entities made of, first, ourselves and other organic creatures in our unchosen 'high-technological' guise as information systems, texts, and ergonomically controlled labouring, desiring, and repr~ducing systems. The second essential ingredient in cyborgs is machines 10 their guise, also, as communications systems, texts, and self-acting, ergono-mically designed apparatuses.
Definition
his book should be read as a cautionary tale about the evolution of bodies, politics, and stories. Above all, it is a book about the invention and reinvention of nature
Main idea