16 Matching Annotations
  1. Oct 2020
    1. Since the early stages of its gentrifica-tion, Park Slope has grown increasingly White and middleand upper class. Bailey and mixed race, working class Tre'03’s stories of Grand Army Plaza at the northeast edge ofPark Slope highlight the privilege that lesbians and queerwomen derive from whiteness.

      as time went on and gentrification too place in nyc, neighborhoods changed and different groups of people were affected by these changes, and were all able to gain or lose in their own way based on their identity and other aspects

    2. LGBTQ neighbourhoods and districtshave experienced and/or supported other trends commonto neoliberal cities that disproportionately affect womenwho possess lower incomes, visibility and political power.For women of colour and poor women, these experiencesare even more magnified

      important to understand how these communities are very engaged in helping and supporting communities that are also belittled like them.

    3. The borders that surround both types of areas are asmuch political and economic as they are sexualised,gendered and raced. Above in the park or below in thesubway at Grand Army Plaza, there is no escaping theliteral and figurative intersection of these oppressions

      it is necessary for gay individuals to always be aware of the geography of their location and to have mental boundaries set in their head.

    4. Admittedly, there are many ‘invisible’ bodies on Christo-pher Street. The lesbian body and bodies of color onlynominally appear in the storefront aesthetics and the heartof street life. Christopher Street, with its specialty storesand gay bars, reflects the economic strength of gay men.

      demonstrating that even within the LGBTQ community there are divides and imbalance to who is acknowledged and who is "invisible". this makes it a lot harder on individuals of color and lesbians

    5. For example, the radical LesbianAvengers hosted ‘kiss-ins’ in the early 1990s in populartourist areas like the Rockefeller Center.

      examples of showing public physical affection as a form of political defiance.

    6. In the 20th century, lesbians, gay, bisexuals, trans andqueer (LGBTQ) people began to develop urban territories– what are often dubbed LGBTQ neighbourhoods or gaydistricts and villages

      LTBTQ neighbourhoods such as in greenwich village and and grand army plaza

    Annotators

    1. We label this form of development redemption because the underlying logic formulates the process as a matter of redeeming the people and the neighbor-hood through real estate development and using discipline and punishment to reinstate order and rescue both people and place

      explaining how "redemption' " in this case will both need the people and neighborhood involved.

    2. At the end of the day, those without the means have to appropriate space by other means. Whereas gangs protect their turf and generate income and jobs as they can

      people who have to resort to doing such things simply don't really have a choice. they'll have to get a source of income somehow and with the limitations they are living under, almost near impossible.

    3. White Englewood had a dense and well-synchronized set of institutions and associations

      white Englewood ownership of these institutions and associations caused the the neighborhood to spiral downwards when they left the community and took all of their assets with them.

    4. banks redlined Englewood, making home purchase and maintenance difficult and contributing to high foreclosure rates.

      redlining is a prime example of how Eglewood came up to be what it is and how seclusion took place.

    5. and whites reacted to black house-holds moving to Englewood with bombings, arson, physical attacks, and pickets seeking to prevent black kids from attending their all-white schools.

      and it was previously described as if whites were being exiled and kicked out these neighborhoods.

    6. "There's no escape ... . Living in Englewood, I feel like I'm robbing my children of their childhood"

      showing how this has a generational poverty effect, and not not allowing mobility to break out of the situation.

    7. The label "high-poverty" generates a narrative that creates a space that is in part real but largely imagined

      the "high poverty" narrative covering up the production of how and what events take place to get to the point of where Englewood now is.

    8. We view Englewood as a historically produced ghetto of exclusion and seclu-sion in which African Americans living there have long struggled to gain con -trol of their lives. In this chapter

      clearly stating how Englewood isnt a naturally produced ghetto, but is produced by exclusion and seclusion.

    Annotators