Like Sesshu's full-figure Eka Danpitsu, thereexists no readily apparent precedent for such a compositionof a hanshin Red-Robed Daruma figure.

In both the Toganand Sesshu paintings similar physical characteristics ofblocky head shape and broad facial features also hark backagain to the primary Kogaku-ji lineage. The Fujii painting represents a late 15th century evocation, T5gan'sone a century later.

Among the Momoyamaartists, extant paintings indicate that T5gan, Tohaku,and Yusho took advantage of this Daruma genre, exploitingits expressive possibilities. Among the Unkoku artistsit became an established model which eventually evolved to1repetitive formulations.

Sesso Toyg, Soga Jasoku, SesshQ T5yS

Hanshin Daruma

Togan painted not only withSesshu in mind, but also with an eye on Shugetsu's paintings .

Landscape by Shugetsu inthe Cleveland Museum of Art (Fig. 7) derives its basiccomposition format from the Tokyo National Museum's Sesshuhaboku painting, including such motifs as the man in asolitary boat and a wine shop with its flag at half-mast.By contrast, Togan's haboku Landscape in the Tanaka collection ( ) in Hagi features a horizontalcomposition with areas of relatively immobile ink. Thisis a characteristic found in other haboku paintings bySesshu, particularly those which are, or were, part of1handscrolls.

Since by then Shutoku would have beenin his mid— late sixties, any direct contact with Toganmust have been minimal, or else transmitted throughShutoku's more immediate followers, such as Tosatsu

This extends Shutoku's lifespanbeyond reason.

We may thus envision Shutoku as a direct Sesshu

By that time Togan would have become an establishedretainer in Terumoto's staff, what Tohaku refers to in theGasetsu as a dobo------------ r — — ----------- ---------------------- --------------------- --------, 1m ) or doboshu

Chapter Two, the "Daruma Image in Japanese Painting,"is divided into three related subheadings corresponding tothe introduction of this theme into Japanese ink painting,its stylistic and thematic development in the 13th to 16thcenturies, and TSgan's paintings of Daruma which acknowledge the complex history of this image in Japanese painting.

This aspect of TSgan's art, and his achievements,which forms the second major segment of this study.

traditional Buddhist Daruma theme, and apaintings associated with Shintoart provide the focus for introducing Togan's

Professors Doi, Takeda, and Kawai for such a study andthe underlying historical and stylistic structure foundin their pioneering work. Professor Doi's TShaku studiesserved as a model to emulate when this thesis was beingplanned, but similar results will undoubtedly remainelusive for a long time, if ever they appear

The present study was undertaken with this background in mind, and was based upon the untested belief thatthere had to exist a sizable corpus of paintings in Japanand abroad that could definitely be associated with UnkokuTogan

4National Museum haboku ) Landscape he gave to hisfriend and pupil, Sden

thevessel fully exemplifies the “physiological alchemy” (Wang 2012: 156–157), whose goalis in part manipulation of time (Sivin 1976: 512–526)

All these strongly suggest that regenerative theme motivating the hu vessel decor hadby the second century BCE come to the fore.

In view of the governing theme of regenerativeprocess of conjugating yin and yang breaths, it is as if the painting shows what happensinside a hu vessel. What occurs inside the vase-shaped enclosure is the collected breathcongealing into a human form (liuxing) (Wang 2011: 58). This is a clear instance ofphysiological alchemy, an art of harnessing breath-energies to effect changes in bodilystates. Michael Loewe had correctly characterized the heavenly canopy as the vase’s lid

The time-honored burial practice of placing a hu-shaped ceramic jarunderneath the coffin in the tomb chamber reveals its intended regenerative function.4This also explains a striking iconographic oddity on the T-shaped painting from theMawangdui Tomb3. The painting’s bottom section depicts the winter/night/deathphase of the regenerative process. A pair of intertwined fish enacts a yin and yangconjugation aimed at regeneration. A hu vessel is placed immediate underneath. Themating fish embodies a biological process; the vessel enacts an alchemical process. Theyadd up to create a “physiological alchemy”

The sarcophagus carving is not a visual illustration of the monthly ordinance. Rather,it is a programmed time machine. The carving creates a microcosm of controlled time.The scheme carries a conviction about postmortem revivification through a regulatedtime scheme. Trusting the deceased’s fate to the recurrent regularity of seasonal cycles ofdeath and renewal is psychologically reassuring

Two primordial gods—Fuxi and N ̈uwa—copulated andgave birth to four children, who in turn became the four seasons. Their coordinationled to the separation of heaven and earth and the birth of the sun and moon. Workingin turns, they created a revolving heavenly canopy, and made it possible to “calculatetime by steps.” Their names contain color-coded elements, green, red, white, and darkrespectively

Individ-uals base their decisions to engage in a particular activity onaccess (the work needed to obtain the activity) and motiva-tion (the reinforcing value of the activity). Although collegestudents have specific time constraints related to their acad-emic schedules, they also have considerable discretionarytime.

“Moral entrepreneurs” directed their messages to women as well. Liberalideology emphasized the value of wives, mothers, and the family, all ofwhich were useful to the coffee bourgeoisie, who formed the political oli-garchy, for reasons other than cementing a consensus among classes. Theemphasis on the family aimed at the maintenance of “order.”

vidence suggeststhat prostitutes in Puntarenas did not pass through what Marion Goldmanterms a “degradation ceremony.” 8 Such an exemption may be attributed to(1) the longevity of the practice of prostitution in the port, emerging withthe early rise of coffee in 1840s, (2) the value the state placed on maintain-ing a stable port in a period of export-led growth, (3) the port’s dense andperipheral geography, (4) the state’s somewhat laissez-faire political policytowards Puntarenas, motivated by the port’s early autonomy as a free portand a national ideology which excluded and marginalized the periphery, (5)the desire for the foreign exchange generated by prostitution, (6) the desireto encourage profits for the state liquor monopoly, (7) Costa Rica’s freelabor system, less ideologically harnessed in the periphery, and (8) CostaRica’s relatively lenient laws on prostitution, which were even less enforcedin the periphery.

In San José, prostitutes were out of view of the “decent”society of the coffee bourgeoisie, practicing their trade in “unclean” neigh-borhoods.7 In Puntarenas, prostitutes—part of a population consisting ofas many as 50% foreigners—mixed more freely in porteño society workingin venues that were interspersed with other businesses, churches, schoolsand residences, all of which were connected in one way or another to theexpanding business of the port. Moreover, concubinage rates in the port, aswell as throughout the peripheral provinces, consistently exceeded those ofthe Meseta Central, further blurring the lines that, in the highlands, sepa-rated right from wrong.The differential stigmatization by region of prostitutes furtherreflected the cultural and social divides between center and periphery

In contrast to the image of white yeomen farmers bound by traditionalfamily values, many female prostitutes of Puntarenas, as well as other work-ing class men and women of the port, were of color and predominantly sin-gle. Women consistently outnumbered men during the period analyzed andwere “off the radar” of the liberal establishment of the highlands. As suchthey were less affected by the formal ideologies of that region. What thissuggests is that the evolution of the country was eminently more complexand heterodox than has traditionally been thought. In particular, there weresubstantial differences in the socioeconomic development of different areasof the country and hence their social and political realities

hybrids in thenomadic repertory possessed a set of special traits and enacted the bodythey adorned in ways that were highly specific to the pastoral modeland indicative of one’s close interactions with steppe fauna. Let us lookat a classical example of a nomadic “zoomorphic juncture” fashionedon a belt buckle.

he adornment ensembles commis-sioned by the ruling elite core whose visual rhetoric was meant tocommunicate two primary messages: (1) Their ability to lead the col-lective as individuals of superb political skills and economic acumen;and (2) their desire to uphold an artistic vocabulary which celebratedthe ecology of the steppe and pastoralism as a way of life.

spectacular example is represented by two fragmentsfrom a diadem, found by chance in 1939 in a heav-ily disturbed burial in a crevice in the Kargaly valley,about 30 kilometers to the east of Almaty (ig. 7-30).83The burial contained roughly 300 items—appliquésof costumes and headdresses, as well as body decor—all made of gold and many decorated with turquoiseincrustations, as exempliied by an exquisite inger ringand earring (igs. 7-31, 7-32)

The Wusun entered into particularly close relation-ships with Han China after the famous diplomatic mis-sion of Zhang Qian

t thus can be seen that artistic features and traditionsfrom Achaemenid territories, primarily the Easternsatrapies, had a profound impact on the artistic vocab-ulary of steppe art but also on aspects of self-represen-tation among the nomadic elites. It seems, however,that this impact becomes fully effective and visibleonly at the very end of the Achaemenid period andin the following decades, as the Pazyryk kurgans arenow dated to the years ca. 300–250 BCE.

the oases by aiming at their taste—as workshops inGreek cities in the Northern Black Sea area did forScythian elites

Sak

Exotic luxuries were, therefore, necessities in thepolitical culture of the nomadic elite, forcing ambitiousaristocratic leaders to gain and secure access to foreignprestige goods. The result was a complex network ofcommunication throughout and beyond the Eurasiansteppes. T

These rich and diversiied sedentary societies attractednomads from the Eurasian steppes for a number ofreasons. Although the economy of pastoral societiesin the steppes was in fact much more diversiied thanthe simplifying label “pastoral nomads” suggests,12mobile pastoralists would still have been eager tofurther complement their subsistence base by enteringinto exchanges with settled populations.13 Thus, ordi-nary tribesmen sought to procure all kinds of agricul-tural products and also basic handicraft items for dailyuse, such as textiles, ceramics, or even utensils fortheir mobile camps, many of which, in fact, were pro-duced by nonmobile specialists. These items wereusually traded at frontier markets for the products ofanimal husbandry

Achaemenid Empire around 500 BCE

Powerful elites—cultivating a military lifestyle, displaying social status via large-scalehorse sacriices, and expressing their worldview in a distinctive artistic language (theso-called Scytho-Siberian animal style)1—emerged in the Eastern Eurasian steppesas early as the Late Bronze Age.2 Beginning with the transition to the Iron Age, theseelites were shaped both by complex mobile pastoralism and by mounted warfare,3resulting in the appearance of a characteristic Early Iron Age mounted-warrior com-plex. The monumental kurgan burial of Arzhan 1 in Tuva, dating to around the turnof the ninth to the eighth century BCE, constitutes impressive early evidence for thisphenomenon.4

For Manet, man is always at the center. For Monet, it is the spectacle, the visualexpemience itself.

TheParis thatmagneti-callyattractsstillremainsHaussmann’sParis.»Theboulevards,thePlacedel’Etoile,indeedallthemajorplaces,mostofthebridgesovertheSeine,allthesquares andsmall parks,the BoisdeBoulogneandBoisdeVincennes,tomentiononlyafewoftheas-pects thatdefineParis,wereallHaussmann’swork.Howwewalkordriveaboutthecitywasdeterminedbyhim,aswasour focus onthevariousmonumentsclosingtheperspectiveshecreated.Andthear-chitecture.TheoverwhelmingimpressionofParisasauniform,har-moniousurbantapestryaccentedwithcharmingscenes tromanearlier age thatsurvivedHaussmann’swreckers, endures.Whatheleftintactisasimportantintheoverall designofParisaswhathedemolished. Thebitsofthe oldcity,aliveinthemidstof the new,oldgemsinanewsetting,haveanappealalltheirown.

Haussmannization—acontemporarycoinagemeaningdrastic,centralized, violenturbanrenewal—wasmadepossiblebythesharpPrologue + 11architectural regularity Paris provides the kind of aesthetic satisfac-tion unavailable in a city built in many styles over many centuries.There is an irony to Haussmann's intimate identification withParis. His is almost a household name, both of admiration andconvergenceofthe forcesof-authoritartarr urbanistt;the-newStrueturesofcapitalism, andtheurbancrisisthatoverwhelmedParis

Menstrual blood, to be sure, was often seen as foul andunclean,'" but the process of excreting it was not intrinsically patho-logical. In fact, failure to excrete was taken as a sign of disease, and agreat variety of remedies existed even into the nineteenth century spe-cifically to reestablish menstrual flow if it stopped."

As for thirty-two years it had been habitual for women to lose about3 oz. of blood every month, so it would have been indeed singular, if theredid not exist some well-continued compensating discharges acting as waste-gates to protect the system, until health could be permanently re-establishedby striking new balances in the allotment of blood to the various parts . . .The flushes determine the perspirations. Both evidence a strong effect ofconservative power, and as they constitute the most important and habitualsafety-valve of the system at the change of life, it is worth while studyingthem.*

Therefore,their divine characteristicsare indicatedby sacredmarks from different religious traditions: the halo is the symbol of the Buddha, while thedragon and ganodermaare traditionally connected with Chinese immortals. These mixedfeaturesare sharedby anotherfigure on the south side of the same pillar (Fig.7). He iswinged, like Dong Wanggong and Xi Wangmu,and is held up by an immortal.His righthand is raised in a distinct abhayamudradgesture, like that of the Buddha in the Mahao tomb.A protuberance on his head suggests an attempted usn.sa,but on top of it there is a smallcap or a ribbon. Owing to these mixed or non-standard iconographic features, it is difficultto identify these three figures definitely as Buddha. What we can say is that they combineartistic representations both from the Buddha's image and from the Chinese immortals

In the m tis from Helingeer,Inner Mongolia,theHeast wall ofthe antechamber depicts Dong Wanggong; the west wall, Xi Wangmu; the south wall,a figure riding a white elephant which has been suggested to be a scene of the "conception"story in Buddhist legends (Fig. 6); and the north wall, the ball-shaped objects on a plateidentified by an inscription "she-li"as relics of the Buddha.2

Such a concept isalmost identical with the Taoist ideal of practicing to become an immortal, and ofascending to heaven in broad daylight

The texts cited above show that in the time aroundthetime around the third century Buddha wasgenerally believed to be an Indian god, who has an imposing physique, is golden in color,and has light emanating from his neck. Furthermore, he is believed to be capable of flightand transmutation, and therefore capable of helping people as had the ancient Chinesesages. This concept combines ideas of the Shenxian Jia, the School of Immortality, andConfucianism, both of which were popular during the Han dynasty.13 The immortals andperfect men of the School of Immortality can live forever, and are capable of flying andtransmutation, while the sages of Confucianism help the world and the people. The"Buddha", in turn, is a combination of the two.

The identificationof some of the Kongwang Shan stone carvings as works of Buddhist art is, for the mostpart, based on this premise. I would argue, however, that only those works whichpropagate Buddhist ideas or serve in Buddhist ritual or institutional practices can beconsideredBuddhistart.One shouldnot expectto determinethe contentof such artworksby their forms only, nor by their limited similaritiesto comparableobjects;one must alsopay attentionboth to the functionof the works, and to the culturaltraditionand the socialcontext in which they were created

Comparingthetwomurals—notthetwostories—inTomb2,wefindthattheybothseemtoemphasizewomen’sintimaterelationshipwithtexts:YangGuifeiisabsorbedinreadingascroll(seeFig.10),andSuHuiisholdingthepalindromeshehasjustcreated(seeFig.11).Butsinceneitherpainting copiesthewordsofthetexts,whatattractedthepatronorpainterofthemurals wasnotthecontentof the texts,but textsasobjectsor“props.” HistoriansofChinesepaintingarefamiliar withthemany“readingwomen”imagesinlaterfigurepainting,especiallyduringtheMing-Qingperiod,whichportrayrefinedfemalefigurescontemplatingunidentifiablebooks.TheBaoshanmuralsallowustotracethistraditiontotheearlytenthcentury,andtoidentifyanearlyLiaonotionofrefinedfemininityrelatedtocontemporaneoustaste

PlansoftheBaoshantombs.

EXCAVATIONSTomb of the Princess of Chenguo and Her Husband

The associa-tions of "barbarian" imperialism thus never really left this region, the culminatingblow occurring with the temporary loss of Chinese territory to the Japanese inthe 1930s. Many excavations of Liao sites are conducted and supported by local,regional, or provincial teams, and are published in local or provincial journals ofthe northeast and Inner Mongolia. Except for gold and silver objects from Liaotombs that have captured the attention of exhibition organizers outside of China(Deydier 1990, 1991), Liao material culture remains remote, elusive, unresearched,and relatively unpublished.

Fig. 1. Map of Asia showing location of Liao empire at its peak and sites mentioned in thisarticle

The excavated evidence pres-ents a remarkably different and significantly more complex image of Liao societyand the Qidan people than do Chinese texts.

most of what we knew about theQidan came by way of Chinese texts. Those literary records describe the Qidanas distinct from their Chinese neighbors, who were frequently described by theChinese as "barbarians.

LIAO IS THE CHINESE NAME of an empire established by a seminomadic ruler ofQidan nationality along China's northern fringe and in northeast Asia in the tenthcentury A.D. From the tenth century A.D. through the first quarter of the twelfthcentury A.D., the Liao empire ruled sixteen prefectures of north China, includingthe city that is today Beijing; most of the three northeastern Chinese provincesthat formerly comprised Manchuria; and portions of Korea, the Inner MongolianAutonomous Region, the Mongolian People's Republic, the Gobi Desert, andthe Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region (

Courtly women

unting scene (

Hunting scenes

Innovative protocol scenes

demonstrate the official status of the tomb occupant – including guards,architectural elements and halberds. As was the case for tomb form, these symbolswere strictly regulated to be consistent with rank. They not only reflected thestatus which the tomb occupant had held in life, but also that which he or shewould enjoy in the eternal repose of their afterlif

Halberds were an important heraldic symbol for the Tang ruling class

It alsoindicates an inferior scheme in terms of architectural symbolism

his multi-angled view creates the impression ofunseen superior might (the guards are not visible), while simultaneously suggest-ing limitations to the power of the guard room occupants given the higher author-ity of the Crown Prince. The tower roofs are hipped. It is likely that this was thehighest status roof type at the time, given that hip roofs appear in the grandest ofgateways in the Tang murals at Dunhuang, and according to the Yingzao fashi, hiproofs were reserved for palaces and mansions alone.2

From the Western Han period (206 BC–AD 9) on, threetypes of gate tower were in use – ordinary officials could use a simple single gatetower, feudal lords and high officials were entitled to use a double gate tower, andthe emperor used triple gate towers.18 Triple gate towers were included in WesternHan mortuary paintings, and in the Tang dynasty, these remained the entitlementof an emperor.

unuch gate monitor. Li Xian’s tomb

Gate surveillance guards. Li Xian’s tomb

In the Tang dynasty, a Crown Prince was entitled to guard units. Their organ-ization paralleled the Imperial Guard, though the officers held lower ranks. TheCrown Prince’s Guard was comprised of Protection Guards, Road SecurityGuards, Gate Surveillance Guards and Palace Guards.9 The Protection Guardsin Li Xian’s tomb are fewer than those to which a Crown Prince was entitled.Since these murals were completed for his status as Prince of Yong, they lack thesheer number of military found in Yide’s tomb, which includes dozens ofinfantrymen, cavalry and charioteers

Murals of guards and the sequential development of space

Li Xian’s tomb stands as a representative example of the physical form,contents and decoration in the grand tradition of imperial Tang tomb building.Like earlier Chinese graves of the ruling class, the tomb was designed to resem-ble a palace inhabited by officials, dignitaries, guards, attendants and animals andit contained images of provisions needed to sustain life.Figure 2.12 Two apotropaic beasts. From Li Xian’s tomb. 706. Sancai earthenware pottery.

Sui–Tang periods and their interest in particular mortuary wares

Plan of Li Xian’s tomb, rear chamber.

These were mainly of womenof high status and included Matron officials with a male and female dwarf, palacefavourites, dancers, musicians and entertainers amusing themselves in a pavilionwith cinnabar red painted posts, brackets and beams within a palace garden. Theceiling was painted as a domed sky with the Milky Way, the sun, the moon, the stars,and the toad and rabbit pounding medicinal herbs.

The effect was of a self-contained kingdom with expansive parkland estate,gateways, a walled administrative sector, an imperial audience hall and Li Xian’sprivate inner palace, all fully equipped with companions, guests, officials, guards,attendants, concubines, and supplies (see Figure 6.4). The real space was sub-stantial in its own right, and the illusion of depth created in the murals furtherenhanced the effect.

Diagram of Li Xian’s tomb compound.

Li Xian’s tomb

t credits the conferring of his title Prince of Yong as being given by Li Zhishiunder instructions from Wu Zetian who is only credited with the status ofEmpress Dowager (huang taihou), the standard official designation for the motherof a reigning emperor, rather than as the ruler of her own dynasty as she hadbeen.31

The epitaph tablet cover carvedfor his reburial in 706 under Zhongzong, identifies him as Prince of Yong, LiXian (Yong wang Li Xian). The 711 epitaph tablet cover identifies him as CrownPrince Zhanghuai (Zhanghuai taizi) indicating his subsequent elevation in statusfollowing Ruizong’s accession to the throne.25 The auspicious name Zhanghuai(‘cherish the rules’) which came into effect twenty-seven years after his death, asso-ciates his memory with honourable and law-abiding attributes. Although heresumed the title of Crown Prince (taizi), he did not regain the title of HeirApparent Crown Prince (huang taizi), a rank normally given to the eldest son of areigning emperor, which had been awarded to him by Gaozong.26

Within Li Xian’s tomb there were two carved stone epitaph tablets, each witha carved stone cover. Written five years apart – one in 706 and the other in 711 –they are important sources of information which tell us as much about the times

The controversy ended with the exhumation of Li Xian’s body after hismother’s death in 705, and its reburial in 706 in a grand imperial tomb reflectinghis rehabilitated princely status18 (Figure 2.2). This took place under orders from

In 684, General Qiu Shenji was sent to Bazhouby Wu Zetian, who was Ruizong’s regent at the time, in order to conduct a searchof Li Xian’s residence. 12 The General had him locked in a room and forced himto commit suicide.13Commemoration of Li XianLi Xian’s body was buried in a commoner’s grave in Bazhou, and almost immediatelyshifts in imperial power caused changes in the ways in which he was commemo-rated. In 685, one year after his death, his former title, Prince of Yong, wasposthumously restored and he was officially mourned, but his body remained inits remote location through the following periods of Wu Zetian’s effective controlfrom 684 to 689 and legitimised rule from 690 to 705.

consort and by the age of 30, through plot and subterfuge, Wu Zetian effected theimprisonment and execution of Gaozong’s existing Empress to become Empressherself. By the age of 35 she had effective control of the empire, which she main-tained throughout her husband’s periods of illness, and held on to power after hisdeath in 683. The Empress continued to rule with Li Xian’s younger brothers,first Zhongzong and then Ruizong as puppet emperors. She eventually deposedRuizong and rose to a status equivalent to that of an emperor with the establish-ment of the Zhou dynasty in 690. 3

She rose from relative obscurity as the daughter ofa provincial official to become the only female ever to rule China in her own right.She had become concubine to Emperor Taizong (Gaozong’s father) at the age of 14.By the age of 24 she was a widow and, as was customary, became a Buddhist nun.By the age of 26 she had returned to the palace to become Emperor Gaozong’

Li Xian was born 654 and died in 684, his tomb was constructed at Qianlingin 705–706 and renovated in 711. This was an era when lavish resources weredevoted to the production of sumptuous tombs for selected members of the impe-rial family, and his tomb reflects a stage in which Tang tomb characteristics werequite well formed. This chapter establishes the strong political motivations for theconstruction of Li Xian’s tomb, and describes the original character of the tombto illustrate the architectonic form and decoration of a representative example ofa high status Tang imperial tomb.

As no Tang emperors’ tombs prior to the decline of the Tang have beenexcavated, the few attendant tombs at imperial mausoleum complexes that can beentered provide us with the best available examples of Tang imperial tomb inte-riors. The tomb of Crown Prince Li Xian, excavated in 1971–1972 and found tobe well preserved and largely intact, is one of these.

Stages in the development of Tang tombs

Map showing the distribution of attendant tombs at Qianling.QIANLINGLi XianYideLi JinxingXue YuanchaoQian xianYongtaiN0 1 2 3 kmapproximate scale7007508008008008509501000900

The most impressive attendant tombs at Zhaoling belong to Princess Xincheng(Taizong’s daughter by Empress Changsun), who was buried with the rites of anempress in 663, and Wei Zheng (Privy Counselor, Marquis of Zeng) buried in642; Taizong’s most respected minister with whom he ascended the tower to viewZhaoling

The significance of attendant tomb privileges was established strongly atTaizong’s Zhaoling. Taizong gave permission for a number of meritoriousofficials instrumental in the founding of the Tang dynasty, confidants, closerelatives and others from the upper strata of society to be buried in attendanttombs near his own.

The attendant tombs ( peizang mu) at emperors’ tomb complexes subscribed to thesame design principles established by emperors’ tombs, although on a muchsmaller scale with fewer and lower grade mortuary entitlements

The representation of foreign emissaries was a reflection of the dynasty’sfar-reaching power and international standing.

reign emissaries. Stone sculptures at Qianling mausoleum

Phoenix in the form of an ostrich on the processional path at Qianling

Each of Qianling’s inner sector wall gateways was 2.7 m wide and faced acardinal point. These were named after the directional animals – the ‘blacksnake–tortoise gate’ to the north, the ‘scarlet bird gate’ to the south, the ‘greendragon gate’ to the east and the ‘white tiger gate’ to the west.

he DamingPalace’s north wall was 1135 m long, its south 1674 m, its east 2563 m and its west2256 m.

oint burials were considered felicitous, andQianling would certainly have seemed adequate for the aspirations of even themost ambitious of rulers at that time.

‘The ancients relied on the mountainsfor their tombs. That truly was advantageous.’28 As Wechsler points out: ‘Hespecified that only one coffin was to be employed for his remains, and thatwooden horses, plaster carriages, and the like were to be used, all in conformitywith the ancient idea that grave furniture was not to consist of articles used inreal life.’2

At the time of Empress Changsun’s entombment, the interment of valuablegifts, possessions and mortuary wares may have been limited, but in no way couldthe tomb be described as humble. The site for Zhaoling was inside the principalpeak of the Jiuzong Mountains, 60 km north-west of Chang’an.23 It is an impos-ing 1188 m high, and is surrounded by a plain, making it seem all the moremagnificently prominent

By thetime the tombs of the second and third Tang Emperors, Taizong and Gaozong(Li Zhi, 628–683, r.649–683), were commissioned, this diffidence had been aban-doned in favour of flagrant statements in the form of tombs of giant dimensions

It is interesting to note the Buddhist content in the sculpturalprogramme at the site, with a stone relief in the form of a niche occupied by aseated Buddha flanked by attendant bodhisattvas, and donor figures. Today, thecondition of the relief is poor and the loss of detail prevents identification of thefigures, although it is likely that the primary figure was Maitreya or Amitabha.

build an emperor’s mausoleum with mound, using the Han [tomb of its firstemperor], Changling, as the standard, [and] to do the job henceforth withgrandeur and richness, but since regulations restrict the time available [take carenot to] abuse the meritorious workers and requisitioned [corvee] labour force.1

Yan Lide led the Tang development and expansion of Chang’an, maintainingthe existing zoning of Daxing. The Jiu Tang shu records that he was also appointedhead of the Directorate for Palace Buildings – effectively the Chief Architectand Commander in Chief of the project – to construct Gaozu’s mausoleum,Xianling, in 635. 9 This may account for the four key characteristics of Chang’an’scity plan – symmetry, axial plan, north–south axis, and hierarchies of spaceascending from south to north – being incorporated as core characteristics of theTang imperial tombs.

Reconstructed map of Tang Chang’an.

The Sui capital, Daxing (‘great prosperity’), was renamed Chang’an, ‘longpeace’, under the Tang in 653, reviving the name of the Western Han capital

Xingningling

Theywere built at a time when Tang control was limited to the capital, Chang’an, anda number of other groups had the potential to overthrow them, thus limiting thehuman and material resources which could be devoted to imperial tomb build-ing. 3 Nevertheless, they were bold political statements at the founding of the Tangdynasty.

The Tang drew upon, continued and refined these characteristics derived in partfrom direct inspiration and in part received through the succession of tomb lineagein the intervening centuries between the Han and the Tang.

Tangtombs were built on a north–south axis with the primary tomb mound to the northand orientated towards the south,

The Jiu Tang shu (Old Tang History) compiled in the mid-ninth century,and the Xin Tang shu (New Tang History) compiled in the eleventh century duringthe Northern Song period, give brief biographical accounts of key figures, andmention the tombs. Other Tang texts are important for illuminating the artistic,official, political and religious situations from the seventh to the early tenth cen-turies. The Tang lü (The Tang Code) contains the articles of the penal code and Tangcommentaries on them.5 Zhu Qingxuan’s Tang chao minghua lu (Record of FamousPaintings of the Tang Dynasty), written in about 840, is valuable for its description ofspecific painters’ subjects and styles, while Zhang Yanyuan’s Lidai minghua ji (Recordof Famous Paintings of All the Dynasties), compiled around 847, is the main source offacts about Tang artists and works of art now lost. 6 Court poems record thepopular genres, tastes and fashions of the elite during the Tang.7

What antecedents inspired the design of the tombs? Who built and decorated thetombs? Who was buried inside them? What was the significance of the locationof the tombs? Why were particular configurations and decorative elements used?What functions did the tombs serve? What was the relationship between politics,religion, social status and the construction of a grand tomb? What was thoughtto happen to people after they died?

4 Introduction

Cultures of War: The Early Intermediate Period

Overall, the first significant levels of Andean warfare are not associated with thetransition to sedentism, or agriculture, or multicommunity socioreligious integra-tion. Intense warfare, instead, arose in a context of emerging social stratification andelite rivalry, made fluid by the failure of the preexisting authority system.

The trophyheads were not obtained in a battle (a setting with the potential for ritualizedcombat) but a raid on a village where both sexes and all age groups were present

The first clear examples of human trophy heads come from this late Paracascontext, coinciding with the violence-related trauma

Many large and small hillforts wereinhabited, showing that people and their dwellings were threatened by attack

The most striking evidence is hilltop forts, which became common in valleys ofthe north and central coast

The first large-scale ‘‘horizon’’ of severe warfare took hold c. 400 BC–AD 100, inthe Final Formative.

The Final Formative

Nevertheless, Late Formativesettlement patterns on the coast, though poorly understood, appear mostlynondefensive until about 400 BC

Bioarchaeological studies for the Formative before ca. 500 BC are very few andthe samples are small, but combined they show a very low cranial trauma rate of 4 %

The Formative period

Among early Andean sedentary societies, then, the strongest evidence forfighting comes from the Chinchorro area and coastal Ecuador, and for investmentsin defensive architecture, from Salinas de Chao

These first Andean fortifications in the Terminal Archaic were an importantdevelopment. They are the first evidence of intergroup conflict—the first indicationthat Andeans conceptualized themselves not as individuals with enmities butmembers of larger social units in violent opposition.

The bay is surrounded by ridges and accessible only via the Chao River Valley tothe north and a pass to the south; both approaches were blocked with massive walls.The thick northern wall still extends 800 m toward the ridge to the north; its styleand the lack of subsequent occupation strongly suggest it was associated with theArchaic complex

If theslingstone piles correspond to the Archaic midden, they certainly indicate conflictwas present. However, it must have been sporadic. Among 36 Archaic sites in thelower Santa Valley—mostly coastal middens and windbreaks—almost none aredefensibly located on hilltops or ridges (Wilson 1988, pp. 90–98). War partieswould have been small and informal, so defense preparations at Ostra were light

One can envision either territorialcompetition between groups over these coastal oases or intragroup friction andfighting in which moving away was impossible (Santoro, personal communication2010). Populations south of the core Chinchorro area had a lower prevalence ofconflict, although samples are smaller (Appendix A: Tiviliche, Caleta Huelen-42);these more marginal populations may have had less contact with other groups

The Archaic

The origins of Andean war

Comparisons between the coast, midvalley, and highlands show increasing ratesof trauma as one moves up in altitude.

The central coast and highlands also exhibit morecranial trauma than other regions

for most periods there is stronger settlementevidence for conflict in the northern and central regions (both highlands and coast)than the south and far south

Yet the intensity of warfare also is quite varied over space, both within thesephases and in the intervening periods. It must have been greatly affected by localfactors such as sociopolitical integration, population density, and resourcedistribution

The second wave ofintense conflict, c. AD 1000 to 1450, is indicated by an astounding number ofhillforts and defensive sites in the highlands and upper valleys, and by adult cranialtrauma rates, on large sample sizes, that are the highest in the entire Andeansequenc

The first of these waves, c. 400 BC to AD 100, ischaracterized by the emergence of hillforts and hilltop settlements in several areas,especially the north coast and adjacent highlands; a handful of bioarchaeologystudies also suggest more severe conflict than in earlier times

Andean warfare ranged greatly in intensity over time. As discussed below,evidence for conflict in the Archaic and Formative periods before about 400 BC islow relative to later periods and highly localized in space

Overall patterns of war in the Andes

Archaeological settlement patterns and fortification

Violence-related skeletal trauma

Warfare encompasses raids, slave raids, ambushes, battles, massacres,sieges, revolt, violent resistance, conquest, and reconquest. Violent factionalstruggle, civil war, and feuding between clans are classified as war because thefactions are politically separate enough to plan and execute collective violent actionautonomously. War also can involve the destruction of property and animals

Warfare and the evidence for it

The point of this review is to bring Andean evidence to bear on broadcomparative questions about war.

In the Andes, a longseries of complex societies offer archaeologists an excellent opportunity to examinethe relationship between warfare, social hierarchy, and state origins, and to assessvariation in the ways states have made war and peace.

Does severe warfarecorrespond with a cult focus on violent themes, warriorhood as an integral part ofmasculinity, or the presentation of elites as warrior-heroes? In the reductionist termsaccessible to archaeology, one question is whether a strong iconographic and/orritual emphasis on militarism is correlated with frequent and intense warfare. TheAndean record of figurative iconography and violent ritual makes this an eminentlytestable proposition.

Instead, we ask the empirical question of how greatly warfare affectedprehispanic Andean lives and livelihoods and attempt a preliminary answer bysynthesizing the two most reliable lines of evidence on war’s consequences:violence-related skeletal trauma and settlement patterns

Despite ample discussion of pre-Columbian Andean warfare, however, there islittle consensus on how frequent it was, how destructive it was, and what counts asarchaeological evidence for warfare.

ar, Violence, and Society in the Maya Lowlandst a k e s h i i n o m a t a

portrait panels from mummies in the Delta, the Fayum (fig. 1), and Antinoe;5 2. commemorative shrines of uncertain prove- nance;6 3. painted shrouds from Hawara in the Fayum, as well as Saqqara, Antinoe, Asyut (fig. 2), and Thebes (fig. 3);7 4. decorated tombs in Alexandria, Tuna el-Gebel, Qau el-Kebir, Akhmim, and the western oa- ses, including Dakhleh Oasis (fig. 4);8 5. mummy cases of mud-mixture or cartonnage from Akhmim (fig. 5) ; 6. wooden coffins from Abusir el-Meleq, Middle Egypt, and Thebes;"' 7. plaster and cartonnage mummy masks from the Fayum (fig. 6), Middle Egypt, Thebes, and the western oases, including Bahria Oasis;1 8. stelae from Terenouthis, Dendera, Abydos, and elsewhere (fig. 7);12 9. tomb sculptures from Tebtunis and Oxyrhyn- chus.

• The adoption of the Chinese tomb form • The use of funerary beds and sarcophagi • The treatment of the corpse • The style and imagery of the beds and sarcophagi • The use of autobiography and narrative

n this paper, I shall focus on the varying degrees of ethnic identity and its converse, assimilation or sinicization, that may be inferred from the tombs and contents of Central Asians, mostly Sogdians

patronage of the tomb portraits by the "non-literati" elite whose status is de- fined mainly by their wealth rather than bureaucratic office or intellectual a

examines new developments in the making of portraits in the ritual context, and unravels changing patterns of burial practices and ancestral worship dur- ing t

. The earlier mode of representing the so-called spirit seat ( lingwei MfS ) of the deceased was to leave the occupant unrepresented, and only demarcated by an empty seat, canopy, or screen, or simply unoccupied by any figurative image of the deceased. See Wu Hung, The Art of the Yellow Springs: Understandi

The custom of tattooing in Japan is described in the third century Chinese historical account Gishiwajinden. This is the oldest record mentioning Japan. Japan is called Wa, and the custom of tattooing is mentioned in this text: The men of Wa tattoo their faces and paint their bodies with designs. They are fond of diving for fish and shells. Long ago they decorated their bodies in order to protect themselves from large fish. Later these designs became ornamental. Body painting differs among the various tribes. The position and size of the designs vary according to the rank of individuals... They smear their bodies with pink and scarlet just as we Chinese use po

The combinationof genetic and morphological studies suggested that the an-cestors of the Ainu were likely to have been the Jofl mon people(Hanihara 1992)

future restorations, every aspect — geological, static, and architectural. Within the next ten years it should be possible to begin to attach the right

The valley had been subject to profound changes already from the beginning of the 5th c., in connection with the siege and sack of Alaric. Burial areas and individual graves were estab- lished around the amphitheatre, and potentially they could continue to be used.

late Mediaeval phase is very well documented, especially for the 12th-13th c., which corresponds with the period of greatest development of settlement inside the Colosseum,

(as happened in the past) the traces of events that changed the monument over the centuries.°

The only evidence remaining of the basin, which lay within a wide quadrangular enclosure, is a deep sewer that makes a right-angled turn and is placed on the SE side of the valley. Recent studies have calculated that the artificial lake could have contained between 122,000 and 183,000 cubic meters of water. It took between 3 and 4/2 days to flood the basin from a branch of the Caelian section of the Aqua Claudia.38 However, excavations so far carried out in the underground structures have not found any traces of the bottom of the basin; the Flavian builders went beyond that, attaining the levels of the Late Republican period, in order to reach a satisfactory basis for establishing the hypogea.

earthquakes that began the process of degradation of the monument, especially the earthquakes of 443 and of 484 or 508, and particularly the latter, caused major damage to the structures next to the entrances at the ends of the major axis and to structures on the south side, an area that was weakened and could hardly be used, so that it ended up being a quarry for building materials as early as the 6th c.3!

This south side rests on a filling up of the valley bottom and not on intact geological strata which are in situ. This difference in the foundation soils could explain the intrinsic weakness of the side that faces the Caelian hill.3

his project, not a new one in the recent history of the monument,”* aims both at protecting the subterranean walls which have been damaged by the action of atmospheric agents over the course of the last century, and at restoring the structural unity of the building. The direct planning of the subterranean areas, undertaken as a preliminary to the generation of the design, allowed the basis of a global study of the structures to be laid, including specific excavations necessary to formulate an absolute chronology of the construction phases identified.’

6). An examination of the inner wall shows that there is a great variety

work methods used in Flavian Rome.

used a hierarchy of materials, with the heavier materials at the bottom and at points of higher stress, and the lighter ones at the top. Travertine was reserved for points of stress and for decorative carved areas, whereas ashlar blocks of tuff were used as infill in the lower zones and brick-faced concrete in the upper zones.

Conclusions

New excavations, geological surveys and detailed analysis of the foundations and super- structure have clarified the environmental context in which the Colosseum was built and the way that the builders responded to it.

he ladder ribs could have been used to end one section of the vault before the next one was added, so that the vaults could be built in stages. Co-ordinating the construction of the stair vaults would have been complex because wooden centering with complicated forms was needed at different levels; the ribs would have provided logical stopping points as the vaults were being constructed.

In each case, the ladder ribs spring from travertine blocks built into the haunch of the vault.” They do not support structures above, as in the case of the travertine ribs and the bipedalis ribs, and had no obvious structural purpose

he result was a network of ribs and relieving arches that channelled the load of the brick wall away from the crown of the gallery vaults to the ribs and then onto the travertine walls (fig. 23). The concept of using relieving arches above vaults had appeared in the Theater of Marcellus (mid-Augustan),”4 but the Colosseum marks the first time builders used the two tech- niques together in a three-dimensional manner to channel loads through a structure.

The Colosseum is one of the earliest, if not the earliest, building in Rome to employ ribs in its vaults. An examination of their use here provides additional insight into how the builders were thinking about structural issues.”

The consistent use of the Tufo Giallo at the Colosseum represents a new phenomenon in vaults at Rome: earlier it had been used sporadically, but only under the Flavians was it used so regularly for the caementa of vaulting.®8

This was a common tech- nique for bridge building, to allow for “hanging” centering over the bed of a river. Here, it would have been used to avoid putting too much pressure on the concrete of the corridor vault below.

As von Gerkan pointed out, however, Cozzo’s reconstruction is not justified because he shows crosspieces going through windows, which in fact are not vertically aligned with the corbels.®

The vaults of the superstructure

It also suggests a higher degree of flexibility on the building site than we would expect nowadays.®!

a comparison of the base mouldings of the engaged columns along the outer wall at ground level shows little consistency from one base to the next (fig. 16). The carvers used an agreed-upon form, but the size and proportions of the mouldings differed significantly from one to the next. Again, this accords with evidence found by Rockwell at the Temple of Vespasian,

The same basic arrangement of voussoirs is used for all arches of a given arcade, but the size and number of blocks could vary from arch to arch.

Layout and design of arches and mouldings

The idea of using travertine at points of stress, especially in foundations, can be seen in the Augustan reconstruction of the Temple of Castor, where the concrete podium was encased in a tuff wall, with travertine blocks inserted at the points underneath the columns.*

A recent find at the Baths of Trajan provides evidence for the way in which such relieving arches were built.

The details of the construction of the arches show that they were never meant to stand independently. In some places, the lowest bricks of the arch rest directly on the brick infill and were never meant to “hang” independently from it

relieving arch, which Cozzo argued was built independent of the walling below it. He saw this as a way of stabiliz- ing the travertine piers so that the vaults could be added before the completion of the infilled sections below the brick arches. This would have speeded construction and have left openings within the walls so that movement by workers was less restricted (fig. 6)

clamped to the adjacent tuff blocks: this would not have been physically possible if the tuff blocks had been added later.

In addition, some of the travertine piers consist of blocks that are not centered over one another and would have been unstable as free-standing structures

The pattern of clamps and dowels poses problems for Cozzo’s proposal of a travertine skeleton. A central point in his argument is that the travertine piers (nos. 3-6 on figs. 7-8) would have been built to their full height before the concrete vaults and the tuff and brick infill were added. He pointed out that the horizontal beds of the tuff and travertine blocks do not always align and argued that they must have been built independent of each other. In fact, the discon- tinuities in the courses occur between adjacent tuff blocks as well as between the tuff and traver- tine blocks (figs. 7-9),36 so the logic behind his reasoning for different stone types belonging to different phases is not justified.

In what follows, I re-assess some of the long-held beliefs about the construction of the Colosseum and present new evidence to clarify the issues involved.

The walls of the superstructure

The arena

The foundations

The environmental context

The intention here is to review recent work that relates to the construction of the building, integrating my own observations on the constructional details of the superstructure in order to create an overview of the issues confronted by the builders and the factors that governed their decisions. As I have dealt elsewhere with the evidence for different work-groups at the Colosseum,! I will focus largely on the builders’ choice of materials and evidence for the construction techniques employed.

Research cannot avoidbeing informed and partly determined by the conceptual frameworks that areavailable at the time of investigation and that are in dynamic relationship withthe wider social experiences of that period.

s warfare a her-itage from mankind’s biological origin or is it rather the opposite, a result ofhuman history?

how different concep-tions of warfare have impacted upon the actual research conducted by archae-ologists and anthropologists.

namely its assumption of the duality of human nature: emo-tion versus reason, primordial war versus pacifying gift. He argues convincinglythat human nature is the result of the co-evolution of genetic make-up andsocio-cultural behaviour.

The USA however continued its beliefin the justification of war. Its conceptions were structured to a high degree bythe context of the Cold War with the communist regimes, which was seen as anideological conflict.

divine justification, but here wehave a God who also used war to punish his own people. Being in fact the onlyGod, a concept of absolute and universal justice became connected with war-fare.