According to Warburton the roots of this idea have tobe found in the Near East. Ancient Egyptian and Assyrian warfare was connectedwith the idea that their military and political expansion was sanctioned by theirgods, who gave victory in war.

Thomas Aquinas clearly formulates a concept of the‘just war’, which among other things is characterised by the right intention toengage in war.

One line is exemplified by the Greek historianThucydides (5th century BC) as well as by the German general Carl vonClausewitz (1780-1831

(and acting) up to the present day: that of the morally justified war.

Otterbein’s definition is used as a guideline: war is aplanned and organised armed dispute between political units (Otterbein 1985:3). In this definition these units do not necessarily have the character of states(cp. also Ferguson 1984: 5), thus extending the phenomenon of warfare to alarge range of societies.

and thus wars. The disciplines of archaeology and anthropology, alsoproducts of Western history, extend the empirical horizon to societies withoutcentralising authorities and this makes it necessary to consider whether theviolent interactions in which these societies engage should also be called war.

family. To strengthen this connection, Numa and Augustus are the only male figures on the altar who are garlanded and veiled, and Livia in the south frieze and Pax on the east end panel are the only women who are garlanded and veil

her pair, with the well-known seated figures conventionally called Tellus (probably Pax herself) on the south side106 and Roma on the north side'07 facing one another across the back entrance (Fig. 11). Pax and Roma function as allegories of Pea

en. Here, here is the man whom you have heard promised so often, Augustus Caesar, the son of a god Uulius Caesar], who will establish the gol

lengthy wars of Romulus, which increased the territory of Rome, Numa instituted peace and promoted agriculture, the rearing of children, and the proper worship of the gods.104 These ideal goals are very similar to the objectives of Augustus's social and moral legislation, which stressed the importance of farming and increasing the size of Roman families.'05 These are always considered the tangible benefits of pe

like Augustus, the Calpurnii could claim descent from

I propose that the Ara Pacis panel shows King Numa, originator of the Fetial Law, sacrificing a sow with a foreign king to guarantee peace. Since the emphasis is on Numa's role as peacekeeper, the other king is relegated to a position behind him, rather than facing him on the opposite side of the altar. To seal the pact an oath is sworn to the celestial and infernal gods as witnesses, a pantheon here represented by just a pair of divinities, Jupiter and Dis, the two mature male figures in the small temple on the relief. The gods are guar- antors of the oath, not the recipients of the sacrifice. Most important, the rustic altar that serves as the compositional focus at the center of the scene would be the first Roman "altar of peace"-that is, a forerunner to the Augustan mon- umen

The iconography of the sacrificant is not consistent with that of the early Imperial Aeneas. His non-Roman adult associate is represented as an equal, not a subordinate or even a youth, let alone a child. The sow lacks her thirty piglets. The deities observing the sacrifice are not the gods mentioned in the literary accounts of Aeneas's sacrifice. The sacrificial atten- dants, a victimarius and a camillus, indicate that this is a typically Roman sacrifice, but neither individual makes a convincing Iulus/Ascanius. And, finally, Aeneas's sacrifice has nothing to do with peace and everything to do with the founding of cities other than Rome. Thus, on the grounds of both iconography and text, an identification of the scene as the sacrifice of Aeneas seems untenable

Furthermore, Aeneas's sacrifice has no clear association with peace, and no direct connection even with Rome. In the literary versions of the story, the landing of Aeneas was con- nected with the foundation of Laviniu

The purpose of this article is to question the traditional identification of the scene. I will then propose a new and different interpretation of the way this one relief relates to the sculptural program of the Ara Pacis as a whole, to Augus- tus's use of art and history, and to modern art historical theory and methodolo

Fig. 1). Architecturally, the Ara Pacis conflates two types of structure: a Greek form of altar raised on a high podium, and an enclosing rectangular screen wall that resembles a Romanjanus with doorways in its east and west faca

The figure on the right rides upon a sea dragon, or ketos, who emerges from the waves of the sea. This animal has the essential characteristics of the ketos: the canine head and large erect ears, open denticu- lated jaw, and scaly serpentine

Pliny (HN 36.26) de- scribes Nereids "sitting upon dolphins, or ketoi, or hippocamps,"

I offer another proposal for the identification of these two figures, namely that they are water nymphs, specifically a Nereid, or sea nymph, and a Naiad, or freshwater nymph.'06

Epigraphical evidence indicates the existence of a joint cult of Ceres and Venus in central and southern Italy.93 The association between the two goddesses is also reflected in votives from southern Italy and Sicily, which portray a single female figure with attributes of both goddesses.9

Ge/Tellus. The fruits, children, and animals associated with the figure may be paralleled by depictions of the earth goddess.96 Again, cultic connections provide an explanation for the iconographic ambiguity. Le Bonniec presents con- siderable evidence for the role of Ceres in the cult of Tellus at Rome.97

The Ara Pacis figure would then be interpreted as Ceres on the primary level, but also suggest secondary references to Venus and Tellus.

I would argue that this figure must be understood, at least primarily, as the goddess Demeter/Ceres.

I would argue that this figure must be understood, at least primarily, as the goddess Demeter/Ceres.

The cow and sheep on the Ara Pacis relief therefore reflect the role of Demeter/Ceres as goddess of fertil- ity, and patroness of the agricultural and pastoral work that that fertility requires.

goddess as protectress of agricultural work and animal husbandry. Varro (Rust. 2.5.3) calls the bull "this companion of men in agricultural work and servant of Ceres,"

Bonfante has argued that this type is native Italic as opposed to Greek, since the theme of motherhood and especially of the nursing mother is uncommon in Greek art.79 Perhaps the Italic model influenced the presentation of the goddess on the Ara Pacis relief

The image of Demeter with her daughter in her lap is common in Eleusinian iconography, as is her depiction with a young male child, generally iden- tified as Dionysos, Iakchos, or Ploutos.

Moreover, the specific type of fruits portrayed on the Ara Pacis relief are closely associated with the goddess Demeter/Ceres: pome- granates, grapes, and nuts.

Parallels may also be adduced, however, to representations of Ceres. For example, a terracotta bust from Ariccia, dated to the middle of the second century B.C., shows a female figure wearing a gar- ment slipping off her right shoulder and emphasizing her breast (fig. 5).59 This bust is identified as the goddess Ceres by the corona spicea that she wears.60 The emphasis on the breast suggests fertility and nurture, an appropriate reference, as we shall see, for Demeter/Ceres.

In Greek and Roman art and liter- ature, Demeter/Ceres is frequently represented with the veil, generally interpreted as a symbol of the mourning that the goddess experienced at the rape of her daughter.57

Another significant attribute of the Ara Pacis figure is the rocky throne upon which she is seated. The hieratically seated figure is one of the most common types of Demeter/Ceres.51 The statues of Demeter that according to Pausanias (2.13.5, 5.17.3) are to be counted among the most ancient represent the seated goddess.5

The crown that the Ara Pacis figure wears is com- posed of wheat stalks and poppy capsules (fig. 2).27 The wheat points to its identification as the corona spicea, a primary attribute of Demeter/Ceres. The goddess wears this crown on both Greek and Roman coins.28 On Greek coins, a legend is sometimes added to identify the goddess directly, but she is not so identified on the Roman types, suggesting that the crown alone was sufficient to identify the goddess to the Romans.29

nity and the countenance is marked with emotion and the impress of experience."25 This description closely matches the figure in the Ara Pacis relief.

the crown, throne, veil, grain, and fruits.

significant implications for the inter- pretation of the Ara Pacis as a whole and for its propagandistic message. Moreover, as I shall show, this interpretation provides a convincing solution to the perplexing problem of a closely related relief from Carthage.

My interpretation is based on a de- tailed reexamination of the various motifs displayed in the relief. I argue that these motifs point to the identification of the central figure of the relief as the goddess Ceres23 and of the two subsidiary figures as nymphs, one of fresh water and the other of salt water.

Pax, and Galinsky rejecting this single identification and arguing that the figure is "polysemous," but with a prevailing meaning of Venus.22

This article offers a new interpretation for the relief panel located at the southeast corner of the Ara Pacis Augustae and for a related relief from Carthage based upon a detailed reexamination of their iconography

The complexity of the motifs represented here is the source of the controversy surrounding this relief. The dispute revolves around three major problems: the identification of the central figure, the significance of the flanking figures, and the relationship between these two groups.

ather, corporeal relics were icons of the Buddha through a material association with Buddha. Corporeal relics were the Buddha because they consisted of the same matter as the Buddha.