We argue that these factors work their effects on nationalism through the process of persuasion and myth- making in the marketplace of ideas.

first define nationalist mythmaking and explain the scope of our claims. Second, we present our concept of the market- place of ideas and offer hypotheses about conditions that facilitate nationalist mythmaking, illustrating these propositions with examples from that classic hotbed of nationalist mythmaking, the Weimar Republic, and from other recent and historical cases. Third, we test our argument against two hard cases, ethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda, both dramatic clashes that seem superficially to fit the conventional view that a government media mo- nopoly is the problem, and unfettered speech the antidote. Fourth, we explore cases with comparatively moderate outcomes to determine the conditions under which democratization does not produce intense nationalist mythmak- ing. We conclude with suggestions for better institutionalizing public debate in new democracies.

evolutionary changes in agricultural productivity are an essential condition for successful take-off; for modernization of a society increases radically its bill for agricultural products. In a decade or two both the basic structure of the economy and the social and political structure of the society are transformed in such a way that a steady rate of growth can be, thereafter, regularly sustained

Britain and the well-endowed parts of the world populated substantially from Britain (the United States, Canada etc.) the proximate stimulus for take-off was mainly (but not wholly) technological.

uilding of an effective centralized national state--on the basis of coalitions touched with a new nationalism, in opposition to the traditional landed regional interests, the colonial power, or both, was a decisive aspect of the preconditions period; and it was, almost universally, a necessary condition for take-off.

New types of enterprising men come forward--in the private economy, in government, or both--willing to mobilize savings and to take risks in pursuit of profit or modernization.

economic progress is a necessary condition for some other purpose, judged to be good: be it national dignity, private profit, the general welfare, or a better life for the children.

These invasions-literal or figurative-shocked the traditional society and began or hastened its undoing; but they also set in motion ideas and sentiments which initiated the process by which a modern alternative to the traditional society was constructed out of the old culture

Western Europe of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries as the insights of modern science began to be translated into new production functions in both agriculture and industry, in a setting given dynamism by the lateral expansion of world markets and the international competition for them

process of transition; that is, the period when the preconditions for take-off are developed; for it takes time to transform a traditional society in the ways necessary for it to exploit the fruits of modern science, to fend off diminishing returns, and thus to enjoy the blessings and choices opened up by the march of compound interest

subject of this book; that is, the post-traditional societies, in which each of the major characteristics of the traditional society was alteredin such ways as to permit regular growth: its politics, social structure, and (to a degree) its values, as well as its economy

'traditional society' we are grouping the whole pre-Newtonian world : the dynasties in China; the civilization of the Middle East and the Mediterranean; the world of medieval Europe. And to them we add the post-Newtonian societies which, for a time, remained untouched or unmoved by man's new capability for regularly manipulating his environment to his economic advantage

he value system of these societies was generally geared to what might be called a long-run fatalism; that is, the assumption that the range of possibilities open to one's grandchildren would be just about what it had been for one's grandparent

in agriculture, the level of productivity was limited by the inaccessibility of modern science, its applications, and its frame of mind

central fact about the traditional society was that a ceiling existed on the level of attainable output per head

static

the traditional society, the preconditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, and the age of high mass-consumption.

agreed on all sides, that the powers properly belonging to one of the departments ought not to be directly and completely administered by either of the other departments. It is equally evident, that none of them ought to possess, directly or indirectly, an overruling influence over the others, in the administration of their respective powers

political apothegm

Governor-General of the British dominion of Pakistan.

The partition of India would also mean the partition of these provinces;

Mountbatten quickly saw that Britain could only withdraw by transferring power not to one government, but to two.

June 6th, the League accepted the plan. On June 22nd, so did the Congress but at the same time it refused to support the interim gov- ernment which was to put the plan into effect.

three tiers of government at independence,

provincial autonomy,

Rahmat Ali, to give it a name ‘Pakistan’ derived thus: *p’ stood for the Punjab, ‘A’ for Afghanistan or the North-West Fron- tier Province, ‘K’ for Kashmir, ‘S’ for Sind and ‘tan’ for Baluchistan. It translated as the ‘land of the pure’.

Presi- dent of the Muslim League session at Allahabad, he proposed the creation of a Muslim state in the north-west of India.

many soon lost interest when they found it to be dominated by a view of the future favouring Muslims of the Pun- jab.

By the First World War they were increasingly young profes- sional men from the same province — lawyers and newspaper editors. In the 1920s the platform was virtually deserted;

Saiyid founded in 1877 in the form of the Mohammadan Anglo- 42 Islam’s Raj: workmen building the royal city of Fathpur Sikri for the Mughal Emperor Akhbar - completed in 1584, it wasa symbol of past Muslim power and prestige in India. Oriental College at Aligarh,

divided it into Hindu, Muslim and British periods

Roughly a quarter of the population, they were in no way a united group.

) why many Muslims were reluctant to join the Congress, the party of the Indian nationalist movement, and (2) why this fact led to a surgical division of the land.

classic nationalist interpretation,

Approaches to partition depend very much on where the individual is situated.

past fifty years India and Pakistan have been in a state of con- stant hostility, fighting three wars in 1947-48, 1963 and 1971,

1947 into the sovereign states of India and Pakistan is one of the more important events of twentieth-century world his- tory.

India emerged as a secular democracy when all around large areas of Asia were about to undergo the ordeals of revolu- tions, dictatorships and civil wars.

These oppositional dualities create an incentive for black police officers to align themselves with the norms that the institution values and signal that they do not have the qualities that are in opposition to those values.

The effect of this tension is that race — the very thing that might lead one to surmise that black police officers can change the racial culture of policing — might limit their capacity to do so.

Thus, it behooves black police officers to get along with their colleagues, to be good team players, and to fit into their work environ-ment. In short, black police officers have an incentive to “work their identities” to demonstrate that they belong.

is Crews a victim because as a Black male he is vulnerable to sexual violence? Or is Mr. Crews a victim because he was victimized by a toxic male?

And they're not here.... My wife, for years, prepared me. She said: "If you ever get goaded, if you ever get prodded, if you ever get anyone trying to push you into any situation, don't do it, don't be violent." (Kelly, [45], paras. 4–5)

You only have a few chances to make yourself a viable member of the community

many of the responses on Twitter blamed him for not defending himself from the assault and knocking the attacker out. Crews explained that Black men are not able to defend themselves from violence even when they are attacked by a weaker aggressor.

But this seems to enable them to focus on the other aspects of their lives instead of just focusing on how they're going to get their next supply of the drug

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