woman who married and took her husband's name could not hold the title Matron.

They did not believe that children are born in sin

"no soldiers, no gendarmes or police, no nobles, kings, regents, prefects, or judges, no prisons, no lawsuits ... All are equal and free,"

a people is not conquered until the hearts of the women are on the ground,

but it has the advantage of providing a solid sense of identity and lowered levels of psychological and interpersonal conflict.

e term refers in every individual case to an entire generation of women whose psychic, and conse-quently physical, "shape" made the psychic existence of the following generation possible.

your mother's identity is the key to your own identity

The tide began to turn when Mrs. Fournier refused to give up Ivan Brown in 1968.

it was in an Indian child’s best interest to remain within his or her biologi-cal or extended family, if possible.

naiwa does favor Indian Tribal Councils and would never work against [them], because we believe if the Tribal Council is lost then tribal identity is lost

recognized as a woman of a peculiar and special nobility instead of the object of a sheriff ’s pursuit.”

imply, it seems, because they were elderly Indians.

create alternative Indian- run programs to provide social services to Indian families in crisis.

Admittedly, we would see sorrow and hardship— but also pulsing life, joy, and beauty.

Despite such statistics, however, the public perception persists that Indian communities suffer from rampant alcohol abuse

They are not just giving you money,” my mom said, her voice firm and unyielding when I repeated that statement to her. “That’s not free. Those are your treaty rights; a lot of Indian people have died for those rights, and don’t you ever forget that!”

e sits behind me in math class and puts a lot of confusing thoughts in my head. Although he lives in town and not on the reservation, he’s a real Indian. He looks like it, he talks like it, and he acts like it, swaggering arrogance combined with a sweet tongue.

“Well, Suz!” Dad greeted me with a huge smile. “You’re up late. What do you think?

Why isn’t your family enough? Why can’t you just be thankful for what you have?

Dad’s description of Indians hangs in the air between us.

It’s better you don’t get a hold of him

Nothing was worth this much coolness.

“What do you mean, your ‘real parents’

ulie no longer trusts the IHs and goes there only for routine health problems such as the flu or strep throat.4

Some Indian leaders believe that the sterilization of Native American women also affects the tribe's economic base and sovereignty.

The weaknesses in the sterilization consent forms included the failure to di- vulge fully the required information on the risks involved in the procedure and the alternative methods of birth control that the individual could use. T

The GAO investigators examined 113 of the 3,4o6 consent forms for steriliza- tion procedures.

Judge Gesell's ruling in Relfet al. v. Weinberger et al. required the HEW to cor- rect deficiencies in the guidelines, including the need for a definition of the term "voluntary," the lack of safeguards to ensure that sterilizations were vol- untary, and the absence of prohibitions against the use of coercion in obtain- ing consents.

In 1969 a federal court of appeals heard the case of]essin v. County of Shasta that alleviated the fears of many physicians who were wary of performing ster- ilization procedures and encouraged doctors to perform more ofthe operations during the 1970s

Even though there have been increases in the number of medical personnel, statistics show that the number of doctors and nurses in relation to the number of Indians seeking service from the IHs has actually decreased since 1966.

arlier. Dr. Pinkerton-Uri had to tell the young woman that there was no such thing as a "womb transplant" despite the IHs physician hav- ing told her that the surgery was rev

While much of the legislation is focused on the relationship between the federal government and tribal nations, it has brought about significant changes to tribal authority that have immense symbolic value and great potential for practical safety for Native women.

The removal of other crimes was necessary in order to achieve passage

Some of the 2012–2013 rhetoric from the opposition dehumanized Native people but it also exposed anti-sovereignty sentiments and racist assumptions about Native people.For example, Senator Chuck Grassley (R–Iowa) proclaimed in his opposition to the bill that “on an Indian reservation, [a jury is] going to be made up of Indians, right? So the non-Indian doesn’t get a fair trial.”

The original act, passed in 1968, capped tribal sentences at six months’ incarceration and/or a $500 fine. Amendments in 1986 allowed for up to one year’s incarceration and/or a $5,000 fine. Under TLOA, the cap has been lifted slightly

The incremental changes may seem frustrating, but also offer hope that Native voices have been heard.

Another fundamental challenge with federal reform is the risk of increasing federal presence and punishment on tribal lands.

The law thus abruptly started the clock before most tribal leaders knew it existed.

Any honest anti-rape movement must wrestle with the dark truths of colonial violence, because the movement will remain stagnant unless we can centralize the context in which Native women expe-rience rape

Recent reports of “man camps” at fracking sites make this issue even more salient today, as these camps repeat earlier histories of the rape of Native women during the Gold Rush and other moments in Amer-ican economic booms.

The 2013 reauthorization restored tribal criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians, a population that has been exempt from tribal criminal authority since 1978.

“Women’s sov-ereignty is central to Indian sovereignty because nations cannot be free if their Indian women are not free.”

Meanwhile, her perpetrator freely roamed the village, terrorizing and traumatizing the whole community.

“Today I laughed for the first time since it hap-pened.”

Using the word epidemicdeflects responsibility because it fails to acknowledge the agency of perpetrators and those who allow the problem to continue.

Her story shows how hub-making can begin immediately, as Native American newcomers begin to transform strange urban spaces into home places while connecting with other Native Ameri-cans.

In Mexico, for example, Indigenous peoples are no longer considered Native when they do not wear their traditional dress, speak their native language, or live in their ancestral homelands.

It is also significant that Roberts did not create a disjuncture between her home on the reservation and her move to the city. She did not portray her trip as a final separation from home, but as a trip to explore new territory. Like the Warwick song, Roberts's story imagines San Jose as her own, a home away from home, finding friends along the way.

conceptual process of emptying the landscape of any significant Indian presence with a last painful step, the government was then physically re-locating Indian people to the city.

And at that time, because you respect your elders and respect what they are saying, I was really, really angry, but I didn't want to show disrespect so I didn't say any-thing.

She said she wanted to help Indians maintain their sense of Indian identity as well as encourage communication and understanding between various organizations within the San Jose Indian community, especially between the Muwekma ahlone Tribe, who are aboriginal to the area, and relocated Indians.

Transcommunality entails the development of alliances based on mutual respect from individuals who come from different ancestral locations. Mu-tual responsiveness and self-transformation, according to Childs, are key components to creating a community across difference where people learn and interact with each other.

Beside the employment aspect, the program also tried to assimilate Native Americans

Her father was the chief of the band, as was his father before him.

have already heard the plans she and her husband have

light complexioned

he is 25 years old

An effort is being made to procure a church for her to speak in sometime this week, when she will present her case more fully, and it is hoped she will receive the attentions she justly deserves.

Winnemucca did have a great dealof influence on Senator Dawes while he was writing the Dawes Act, whichpassed only seven months before Winnemucca died at the age of forty-three

Winnemucca clearly and immediately constructs white men as frighten-ing (her fear of white men is repeated throughout Life) and white women as“angels” who bring gifts, a characterization that would have appealed to thenineteenth-century women reformists to whom Winnemucca often spoke.

Ihave lived a long time with white people, and I know what they do. They arepeople who are very kind to any one who is ready to do whatever they wish”

In this regard, the shared beliefs and strategies for obtaining status is well-documented for Plains Indian men. Comparatively little information, however, is available on how women pursued alternative roles, how they achieved self-actualization in a male-oriented social system, and how they managed conflicts between personal strivings and societal norms.

And finally, women were also motivated by revenge and engaged in warfare to avenge a relative's death. Importantly, reasons for female engagement in warfare--defense, glory, and revenge--were not different from those that inspired men to fight

Besides the evidence of female role variability provided by the categorical statuses just mentioned, there is also the well-known diversity of behavior associated with a woman's birth order. Among the Dakota, for instance, birth order positions had a powerful impact upon how children were raised and what behaviors were expected of them. Such differential treatment must have had a major influence on later adult behavior. There was also variation in treatment and expected roles of wives from the first to the last married, and there were differences in how women behaved in their various kinship statuses (i.e., older sister, younger sister, daughter, mother). Un-fortunately, the varied social positions of women in Plains Indian societies have not been well-documented, and as a consequence, it is difficult, if not impossible, to make conclusive statements ahout the dynamics of psychological and behavioral variations among women that correspond with recognized role diversity

Ma tsaps designates a "crazy woman" but with spe-cial reference to sexual promiscuity. Among the Lakota, a correlate female figure is "Witkowin." Sexual promiscuity exhibited by a wi tkowi n was sanc-tioned through certain types of dreams.

women appear to have been trained for this role as children, and like the manly-hearted women, they received the kinds of spe-cial privileges accorded to a favorite child.

Some dominated their husbands and exposed them to ridicule

As children, manly-hearted women were often favored with more food, toys, care and attention than other siblings. Such favoritism, which incidentally, was widely distributed among northern Plains groups, must have had a profound impact on a child's sense of self-assurance and independence.

Instead of looking at sex role reversals as a form of "deviance" derived from "incompetence" in the roles associated with a person's gender, it might be more productive to examine them as normative statuses which permitted individuals to strive for self-actualization, excellence, and social recognition in areas outside their customary sex role assignments. In this light, changing sex role identity becomes an achieved act which individuals pursue as a means for the healthy expression of alternative behaviors.

culturally accepted

The stereotypic images from which the larger society draws its picture of Indian women clearly reflect the double-barreled character of their oppression

entity cannot be explained in terms of some con-sistent and reductionist set of criteria.

icates that their role patterns were highly variable, and that some of their ins ti tu tional ized role behaviors, notably that of the warrior, stood in marked contrast to the sup-posedly passive qualities of feminine personality in the native Plains

it has been necessary for scholars in women's studies to develop their own conceptual frameworks.

The extensive attention, if not preoccupation, with criticism in these writings not only involves dissecting the character of prevailing ideologies. It is equally concerned with discovering the philosophical and social roots of these ideolo-gies.

Despite the recent surge of publications on women in different cultures, writings on American Indian women have lagged behind.

In the writings of historians, native women rarely appear in descriptions of diploma tic and trade negotiations between Whites and Indians, nor are they usually present in discussions of military encounters

Inside the tipi, women sit in the background making moccasins or cooking a meal while the debates of an all male coun-cil dominate the picture.

The very fact that women are largely omitted in discussions of Plains Indian imagery testifies to their secondary place in popular myth and stereotypes.

These permits were also tied to specific grazing areas. As a result, families became tied to grazing land, although many continued to move seasonally with their herds.6

These stories are also reminders that our behavior must be exemplary, for we are models for later generations.

Women’s authority extended into the political realm of Navajo society. This glimpse of the rela-tionship between Manuelito and Juanita reflects the ideal egalitarian nature of male-female relationships.

Navajo women retained cultural values by imbuing traditional foods with their former significance.

A closer look at Grandfather Allison’s story illuminates the nature of Diné social organization, suggesting that women played central roles not only in the creation of identity but also in the establish-ment of kinship ties across tribal cultures. Traditionally, Navajos have established kin relationships before any communication could be initiated.

The fact that indigenous identity is presently a topic of discussion reflects contemporary preoccupations with biological identity and blood notions of authenticity. Studies that discuss these issues also demonstrate that identities are cultural constructions that differ across time, culture, and race.2

No doubt, Navajos’ knowledge of Juanita is informed by non-Navajo accounts.

In them, Asdzáá Tł'ógi and her two daughters play a significant role in the survival and continuity of their families and clan members.

We also note that the goal of life is continually to seek a state of hózhó, harmony and balance.

Several of the narratives feature relationships between the sexes, which schol-ars have labeled “complementary,” meaning that gender roles are dif-ferent but equal and necessary.8 The natural world reflects the duality of male and female. We have female and male rains, for example. The earth is mother and the sun is father. Both female and male are cru-cial to the creation of all life. The story of the separation of the men and women details what happens if we do not work together.9 Tasks performed by males and females are equally crucial to the survival of the clan and community.

Because of such historical experiences under federal Indian policy, which sought to exterminate the Navajos culturally, the oral tradition was profoundly disrupted.

s my mother tells me, when my grandmother was a young woman, she was a skilled horsewoman, which was true of most Navajo women in her generation.

In doing so, he followed the dic-tates of his extended family’s belief that an American education could be used to better Navajo conditions.

Writing down the remaining stories of our grandparents thus is a way to reaffirm clan ties and the value of Navajo cultural teachings.

Furthermore, our research aims to rewrite our histories in ways that more accurately reflect our experiences, especially under colonialism.

Despite the physical and emotional hardship, or maybe even because of it, we were taking a hold of our past and controlling our history in a powerful, public effort. We were beginning a process of recla- mation, steeped for seven generations in the memory and strength of our ancestors.

d. We, as women and children, were made further vul- nerable as we marched the final two miles to the fort, feeling waves, if only for brief moments, of the same loneliness and defenselessness that our grandmothers had felt befo

He had specifically wanted to know how this event would help heal Dakota-white relations and was obviously unsatisfied with my re- sponse that this march was not about healing those wounds but about trying to heal our wounds, which have never been closed. His response was typical of those in power when injustices are perpetrated, for it is they who benefit from perpetuating the myth that peace can occur with- out justice, or healing without acknowledgment and reparations.

We had been wondering who was going to serve as our spiritual leader when Clifford had to leave later that night, and the an- swer came with Alameda. She is a pipe carrier from Fort Peck, and her spiritual leadership would carry us through the last difficult stretch to Fort Snelling

In Henderson there seemed to be a genuine yearning among at least some of the population to come to terms with the terrible history of that place stemming from the brutality perpetrated upon its Indigenous in- habitants. A large group of young people from the charter school walked the first half of the next day with us as we made our way to Jordan. We appreciated their youthful energy and commitment to supporting

Just as we were turning from the major and busy Highway 169, a very understanding state trooper ar- rived with assisting police vehicles to escort our caravan across the high- way. As someone who had studied this period of Minnesota history, he understood that we needed to make the walk into town and volunteered to lead the walkers with his police car as long as the other cars drove on into the town and waited for us there.

But standing there with so many other Dakota people who shared our memories, our pain, and our love for our nation was probably the best way to restore a sense of warmth and well-being to each of us

eoples. Picked up by the local newspaper, this led to a series of editorials being published, which demonstrated the strong sense of denial still prevalent in the area and rarely challeng

In that evening meeting with the townspeople we shared stories about why we were participating in this event, realizing immediately the difficulty of engaging in a dialogue with even the most well-intentioned white townspeople

. That was one of the lucid moments on the journey when I felt the significance of our undertaking personally and powerfully. That was the second day of the mar

Mile by mile we were physically reclaiming our memory, our history, and our land. We were also leaving a visible sym- bol of this reclamation

15o-mile journey

r, "As tribal prisoners we carry the same spirit of many of our ancestors who were imprisoned in all of the earliest prisons. We know what it's like to survive the oppression and the ine

In a few more days, I and about 800 other Lakota, Dakota and Nakota brothers from prison, will begin praying for the Dakota Commemorative Ma

Our role as historians should be to examine as many perspectives of the past as possible-not to become the validators or verifiers of stories, but instead to put forth as many perspectives as possibl

n the same way, these stories served to validate my identity in a positive way when, as a girl, I was confronted with contrasting negative images of the "Sioux" in school texts. These stories have stabilized me through graduate school and reminded me why I am involved in this sometimes painful process.

rstood that our most important role as women is making sure our young ones are taken care of so that our future as Dakota people is assured. I learn

t it. When we were small Grandma used to talk about it. She used to

Especially in the last years of her life, on every visit she would tell stories about the Conflict of 1862, as if to reassure herself that she had fulfilled her obligations and that these stories would not be forgotten

race. Almost every evening a myth, or a true story of some deed done in the past, was narrated by one of the parents or grandparents, while the boy listened with parted lips and glistening

ot allow for the incorporation of new materials because it would then be outside the "tradition."

Grandma grew up in a rich oral tradition. Not only was she well- acquainted with many of the myths and legends of our people, she also possessed an amazing comprehension of our history, and many of her stories revolved around the events of the United States-Dakota Conflict of 1862. H

l to my life. It is through the stories of my grandmother, my grandmother's grandmother, and my grandmother's grandmother's grandmother and their lives that I learned what it means to be a Dakota woman, and the responsibility, pain, and pride associated with such a role. These stories in our oral tradition, then, must be appreciated by historians not simply for the illumination they bring to the broader historical picture but also as an essential component in the su