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receiving vastly more credit for the performance than theindividual ensemble member.

But a third contributing causeis the value of the concept of conducting as a demonstration of power.

ultimate goal of a typical classical musician is to conduct.

eachers, in turn, arelikely to favor their own students over those of other faculty mem-bers by helping them get engagements and jobs, or when grading byjuries takes place.

There is a certainamount of competition for the best

aving beengood enough, or promising enough, to be accepted by a particularteacher may in itself provide evidence of your qualifications.

all curricula requirestudents to become moderately proficient pianists.'

uch differences in degree and type of esteem can be ascribed torepertory,

urban-folk analogue to the clas-sical conservatory.'

styles of folk and popular music not included.

nd so, to the general public and in the world ofpopular music—in contrast to its conception in the professional worldof classical musicians—singing is musical activity of the highest cal-iber and prestige.

art music versus pop and_rock.A

musicians and singers.”

American musicians’ union accepts instrumentalists butnot vocalists (who are unionized with actors and dancers),

closer to nature” and more “emotional.”

nthebeliefsystemofinstrumentalists(well,certaininstrumen-talists),singersmayhave beautifulnatural voicesbutneednotbehighlyintelligent;althoughthevoiceneedstobedeveloped,singersneednot learnmanualskills.Inmyexperience,itistruethatsingersoften (andwithsignificantexceptions)doworsethaninstrumental-istsinacademicsubjects,whetherfromthetendencytoselectsing-ersforthequalityofvoice,withoutconsiderationofothermusicaloracademictalents,orfromanonintellectual self-imagethatsingersacquireduringtheircourseofstudy

teaching children.

typical jazz ensemble ismale; a big band of men may have a woman singer.

Women sing more than they play, and most playing isdone by men.

You're a musician? What do youplay?”

Performers thus see musicologists as a kind of police, imposingmusic history requirements on their students, making them take en-trance examinations, and otherwise forcing them to jump throughhoops of (they think) an essentially irrelevant sort in defense of anobsolete and ephemeral canon.

It is obvious thaperformers regard themselves as the central portion of the school anthat the school’s administration shares this view.

classical music do not take contemporarycomposers seriously.

One looks down on them but also fears them, because theyare, in a way, the enemy.

‘To musicians outside the academy, all members of a music faculty mayin a sense be people who cannot really do, otherwise they wouldn’tteach.

because the high-est reward in musical coin is to be permitted to conduct the music-making of others

hatthey “are” the institution to a greater extent than the teachers or thestudent body.

stiidetits “arid “teachers combine topressure administrators for special favors—a university van to go toan out-of-town concert, new instruments, higher pay for teachers andassistants, more scholarship money for students.

o classes and lessons, and for practice and rehearsal, studentsusually wear distinctive but not uniform outfits emphasizing infor-mality.

Once in school, many studentsfeel that they are not after all being treated like valued customers bylabor or management; in fact, however, attention is given to theirsensitivities.

It seems that ideal musicians comefrom families of musicians and begin study early.

Special respect is given to individuals who move along thesequence rapidly,

Music administratorsTs See | themselves as a distinct class.

student to teacher to administrator

demotion

separation between administrator andteacher is greater in the field-of music, and the association of teacherand student closer than that found in higher education at large.

lines of demarcation are vague.

Just as women of an earlier generation likePeggy Seeger, Mary Malloy, and Ellen Cohnmade it acceptable for women to sing seachanteys, the women on Rogue’s Gallery pro-vide the freshest new sounds in sea music.

But it is the womenwho sing on this collection who achieve themost enjoyable fusion of tradition and innova-tion.

The Good Ship Venus

his presence on the albumis curious. 1

it seems incongruouswith the rest of the tracks in the collection

Disney corporation’s tendency to misrep-resent world history in its films, theme parks,and associated media.

elatively slow tempo.

distinc-tive nasal twang combined with a wide vibrato

Chantyman was prized in spite of hispoor voice because of his improvisations

While the tunes and rhythms have remainedrelatively stable in the process of transmission,the lyrics of chanteys have been far more flex-ible

tools designed to fa-cilitate specific shipboard tasks

anachronistic

combination of ele-ments of folk and classical Japanese style

communist leanings privileged folk overclassical art forms

new cultural sensibility:

homogenization and heterogenization

Peruvian music was related to ‘how American slaves developedtap dancing’ (#297). Music from Mali was ‘strangely familiar’ with ‘fingerpicking pat-terns that sometimes resemble Celtic rock’

listeners didn’t need to be ‘afraidof African music’

reviewers were now spendingmore words on defining the expertise and unique musical contributions of individualperformers

Reviewers in this phase remained resistant to the new cultural exchange. Fusion, dynamicmusic development, and hybridity were only reluctantly accepted as long as the artistsdidn’t lose sight of their roots and traditions – which were defined by the critics

More reviews inte-grated other voices in direct quotations, first of producers and record executives buteventually of artists themselves.

‘Now if onlythey’d ditch the political trappings of their live set and wise up to their true identity as acool Caribbean party band’

He upheld astatic conception of a pre-colonial pure culture, even if that required some major histori-cal assumptions: Ethnic music ‘is one of the last remnants of a way of life that predatesthe Industrial Revolution’

‘As identities blur, someone’s culture is being depleted’ (

after all, not a meeting ground amongequals

Difference was established along dichotomiessuch as West/Third World, present/past, rational/irrational, serious/emotional, civiliza-tion/nature and commercialized/authenti

They criticized world music art-ists who they considered westernized

Feld criticized the genre for ‘shaping a kind of consumer-friendlymulticulturalism, one that follows the market logic of expansion and consolidation

globalization

"I see the power of imperial conquest and colonialhegemony residing as much in the forms, discourses, and commodities it cre-ated to colonize other people's minds as in the violence with which it subjectedtheir bodies

For example, a member of the Bhundu Boys told me that dur-ing the late 1980s they had wanted to experiment with county and western, buttheir British fans rejected them when they tried this. 19

The "exotic" products inserted into cosmopolitanloops usually do not come from outside the formation but rather are typicallyproduced by cosmopolitans themselves, albeit in marginalized sites in the so-called "Third World", and by marginalized groups in the cosmopolitan powercentres.

For this market, authen-ticity is defined by being external (exotic) to the cosmopolitan, but the crucialdifferences must also be largely couched within familiar cosmopolitan ethics,aesthetics and style

Zimbabweanartists who perform soul music, rap, country or gospel, and who do not sounddistinctively African enough, will not easily find a place in cosmopolitan worldmusic markets.

"I felt that reggae was the whiteliberal market. I always hoped that it would sell to black America, but it neverdid because the music was too ethnic-ish ... The only people who really relatedto it were white liberal, college oriented-type people ..."

; if a song isnot a set item it cannot be copyrighted and sold as property.

ifferencesof wealth among black Zimbabweans was never very pronounced; educationlevels, occupation, and social and cultural style were the primary determinersof class and status.

Early in my fieldwork I was struck by the fact thatmy Shona colleagues at the University of Zimbabwe seemed to have as muchor more in common with me than they did with rural Shona peasants. I was alsostruck by the fact that my middle-class neighbours in Mabelreign suburb knewless about rural Shona music and indigenous ceremony than I did and some-times more about jazz and US country music than I did.

Africanist cultural and ethno-musicological analysis along with nationalist discourse itself, has too often usedoverly simple black-white, African-European, traditional-modern, and nowlocal-global, dichotomies to think about cultural positions, artistic aestheticsand issues of authenticit

It is this feature that makes cosmo-politanism closest to what is typically referred to as "global culture"

The reason for this difficulty is that cosmopolitan discourse itselfstresses individuality, placelessness, universalism and a pan-historicism thatresults in ahistoricity.

cultural groups, cosmopolitan formations

Diasporas are a second type of trans-state cultural formation. Unlike immigrantcommunities, diasporas are not bilateral but, rather, involve multiple sites ina number of states, both synchronically and diachronically

apitalist imperialism

neocolonialism

redefined liberal democracy andeconomic liberalism as universal human rights

One clear effect of nationalist movements in the colonizedregions of the world was to open new minds to "modern" thinking and desires,and thus new markets for industrial commodities, much as European colonistshad done previously.

sion and cosmopolitan connectivity,

"out of tune," which creates beating amongall the overtones. Practitioners perceive this acoustic phenomen6n as tGinstrument's timbric richness; some of the smaller 7a ranas may have six,five, or four courses.

kaleidoscope of contemporary practices, causing tensionsbetween conservatives wishing to keep son jarocho with a fixed repertoryand performance practice and those wanting to inject musical elementsfrom other traditions, making it more meaningful to everyday realitiesand lifestyles.

Racine

Mexican entertainment lndus-try has been instrumental in the dissemination of Mexican music andculture throughout Latin America, sometimes to the detriment of localmusic scenes and traditions.

Because Mexican culture is largely unknown or misrepresentedin everyday U.S. life, most Americans are unaware of the power ofMexico's entertainment industry.

This is one of the powers of music; it has the ability to be'adopted,adapted, transformed, and made meaningful in varioui individuai andcollective spaces, histories, and circumstances.

Africa had no place in this dichotomous understanding ofnational identity.

aza de bronce (bronze race; a combination of all the world'sraces and cultures mixing in the continent) had the spiritual mission ofestablishing a true universal and cosmopolitan civilization.

an imaginary one, in whichbeing indigenous is a source of pride in the splendor of pre-Colum-bian civilizations, and the real one that identifies contemporary indig-enous people and their culture as "backward," marginal, and a sourceof embarrassment.

Germans, Italians, French, as r.leil as Chinese,japanese, ]ews, and Arabs.

smaller groups of Africans, Afro-Caribbeans, and AfricanAmericans kept migrating to Mexico until the end of the 19th andsometimes through the 20th centur

appropriation

Spanish, Zapotec, Mixtec, and Nahuat

AI-Sayyida

Neither text nor music had a pre-determined form, and the piece was through-composed.

dawr consisted of two prin-cipal sections, the madhhab

Finally, this "voice of Egypt" was female. Indeed, the careers of UmmKulthum and her female contemporaries fly in the face of popular concep-tions of Arab women as submissive, sheltered, silent, and veiled.

The city was the spacing of intervals or enclosures forming a continu-ous materiality. Its order was a question of maintaining, within suchenclosures, the proper relationships between directions, forces andmovements, not its ability to reveal in material form the determiningpresence of a non-material plan or meaning. It was an order withoutframeworks.

"order without frameworks

are elements of "an inclusivesocial and cultural formation which indeed to be effective has to extend toand include, indeed to form and be formed from, this whole area of livedexperience."

characteristic elements of impulse, restraint, and tone; specifically af-fective elements of consciousness and relationships: not feeling againstthought, but thought as felt and feeling as thought: practical conscious-ness of a present kind, in a living and interrelating continuity. We arethen defining these elements as a "structure": as a set, with specificinternal relations, at once interlocking and in tension. Yet we are alsodefining a social experience which is still in process, often indeed notyet recognized as social but taken to be private, idiosyncratic, andeven isolating, but which in analysis (though rarely otherwise) has itsemergent, connecting, and dominant characteristics, indeed its specifichierarchies

Expressive forma-tions are "conscious movements and tendencies (literary, artistic, philo-

Linking structural musicalanalysis to analysis of discourse historically opens windows on the dynam-ics of performance. It allows us to see performance and reception as partsof an ongoing musical process embedded in social practice

Musical expressions are rela-tively open codes. "Specific musical elements," Middleton writes, "are usu-ally less firmly embedded in particular syntactic and semantic structuresthan are, for example, words, and ... those conventions of meaning andsyntax which do exist are more general, less precise, leaving greater free-dom to make specific orientation in specific contexts." His notions of "ar-ticulation," the "docking" of a performance at a particular "place," allowus to see how the same performances carried different meanings at differenttimes.

he general themes of the discourse about song in Egypt are re-markably consistent; patterns of thought, criticism, and association emergeas fragments of discourse that are widely shared, attached to similar musicsand believed to be true

Listeners' interpretations of similarity and difference, of transformationsand contrasts, define styles

embellishing theirtropes

We think we are speaking in pure prose and weare already speaking in tropes; one person employs the tropes differ-ently than another, takes them farther in a related sense, and thus thedebate becomes interminable and the riddle insoluble

My questions about a single person quickly led to larger questions aboutEgyptian and Arab culture and society

ideology of Egyptianness

the voiceand face of Egypt."2 She remains today an inescapable figure in Arabmusical life

composed by Junior Crehan. He has composed some forty tunes, many of which have entered the traditional repertoire

Some were born within a mile of the pub, and have danced to the music of Junior Crehan all their lives

eighty-nine-year-old fiddler who has led these Sunday night sessions for more than fifty years.

wary of draw- ing in people who would not respect the sensitive cultural ecology of this local tradition.

Gleesons provides a different kind of experience: the life of the music in a community where the music has been getting along “on its own,” patronized by local people and performed by local mu- sicians, for generations.

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I have never felt a t ease in that environment . Lovin g t o hea r and t oplay the works but feelin g uncomfortable during th e events at which theyare presented has produced a deep ambivalence that has not lessene d ove rthe years

more personal reasonfor taking the symphony concert as example

They are to b e found not onl y be-tween thos e organize d sound s whic h ar e conventionall y though t o f a sbeing th e stuf f o f musica l meaning but als o between th e peopl e who ar etaking part, i n whatever capacity, i n the performance; and they model, o rstand as metaphor for, ideal relationships as the participants in the perfor -mance imagine them to be : relationships between person an d person, be -tween individual and society, between humanity and the natural world andeven perhaps th e supernatural world . These are importan t matters , perhap sthe most importan t i n human life , an d how we learn about them throughmusicking is wha t this book is about

It must explain also how some musical culture s become dominant,sometimes across th e whole world, while others remain confined t o the so-cial group within which they originated.

T o music is t o take part, in any capacity,in a musical performance, whether by performing, by listening, by rehearsingor practicing, by providing material for performance (what is called compos-ing), o r b y dancing

tha t to take par t in a musi c act i s o fcentral importance to ou r ver y humanness, as important a s taking par t inthe ac t of speech ,

performance does no t exist i n order t o presentmusical works, but rather, musical works exist in order to give performerssomething to perform.

Bach’ s Saint Matthew Passion., which was intended a s part o f th eGood Frida y obsequies o f th e Luthera n Church ,

performer s ar e always capabl e of turning trivialmaterial into great performances

Wha t Mozart , th e suprem e practical musician, woul dhave had to say abou t that one can only imagine

The first is tha t musical performance play s nopart in the creative process , being only the medium through which the iso-lated, self-contained work has to pass i n order to reach its goal, the listener.

tis rare indeed to find the act of musical performanc e though t of as possess-ing, much less creating, meanings in its own right.

perfectly norma lhuman music , a n ethni c musi c i f yo u like , lik e an y othe r and , lik e an yother, susceptible to social as wel l as purel y musical comment

as can be seen from th e fac t tha t a classical training i s thought to b e a fitpreparation for any other kind of musica l performance

it is claimed tobe a n intellectua l an d spiritua l achievemen t tha t i s unique i n th e world’ smusical cultures

abstraction s which we call love, hate, goodand evil as havin g an existence apar t from th e acts of loving, hating, o r per-forming good and evil deeds an d even to thin k o f the m a s being i n som eway more rea l than th e act s themselves, a kind o f universa l or idea l lyin gbehind an d suffusin g th e actions . Thi s is the tra p of reification , an d it hasbeen a besetting faul t of Western thinking ever since Plato, wh o was one ofits earliest perpetrators.

There is no such thing as music .Music is no t a thin g at all bu t an activity, something tha t people do. Theapparent thing "music" is a figment, an abstraction of the action, whose re-ality vanishes as soon a s we examine it at all closely.

Others hear the singing and shiver wit h fear .

ragged unison