16 Matching Annotations
  1. Feb 2021
    1. A new story would allow us to see contagion as more than a purely biomedical phenomenon to be managed by biomedical experts and, instead, as the dynamic social phenomena they are. It would necessitate new alliances among public health advocates and environmentalists, between doctors, epidemiologists, wildlife biologists, an-thropologists, economists, geographers, and veterinarians.

      The cooperation of professionals from these various fields is an endeavor that is unlikely to be economically profitable. In a modern society that is fueled by economic gain, how can we convince individuals to choose preventative procedure?

    2. All of which is to say that, contrary to the central plotline of the paradigm of invasion, today’s pathogens don’t arrive in untouched territory as invaders do. Rather, if there is any invasion underway at all, it is spearheaded by us

      This comment on the way we perceive pathogens supports the idea that paradigms shape the way we interact with the world. The perception that pathogens are aggressive invaders makes us miss the fact that they are often harmless or even necessary to our bodies. As a result, we often launch on onslaught of research to combat these enemies rather than addressing the fact that we come into contact with them by invading the territories of other animals.

    3. As we navigate this moment, it is therefore essential that we ask ourselves whether we have narrated SARS-Cov-2, the virus that causes Covid-19, in a way that provides constructive insight into how we can survive its appetites.

      The core argument of this article asks us "whether we have narrated SARS-Cov-2, the virus that causes Covid-19, in a way that provides constructive insight into how we can survive its appetites." It argues that the paradigm, or story, we create behind an event is enough to is powerful enough to determine how we respond to it.

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    1. Question: Should there be an ethical thresh hold in which the state is forced to intervene and help improve the oral health of a non-citizen child such as in the case of Oscar?

    2. The school nurse confided tome about farmworking families such as Mrs. Madrigal, “Ihave to say that I don’t really understand that thing aboutnot having the money. Because when you have five fami-lies sharing a house and sharing the rent, then how can younot have the money to pay for dental care? I think what theymean by that is that it’s just not a priority.”

      I believe that this sentence displays the ignorance of individuals who come from a higher socioeconomic background. Privileged with the necessities for achieving "modern" hygiene requirements, the school fails to understand the challenges, discrimination, and lack of access faced by these migrant workers.

    3. par-ents in largely migrant areas are held to a higher standard ofhealthiness than those in other California communities.

      It is interesting to consider why parents in migrant areas are held to a higher standard of health than other residents of a community. I believe this perpetuates the idea that the individuals of these groups are inferior in the sense that they are more likely to contract disease and have overall worse hygiene.

    4. In this article, we explore the way that public healthcampaigns’ anxieties about Mexican immigrant mothers’caregiving practices have served as a potent site for con-structions of Mexicans’ “deservingness” of citizenship dur-ing this second wave of immigration.

      This sentence gives the main focus of the paper. It discusses how hygiene acts as a tool in which racial policies are justified. This pertains to justifying racial attacks on a group and/ or justifying a groups inferiority.

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    1. Question: How can we undermine the stereotypes and obsession surrounding Muslim women and their headdresses? The "saving of brown women" seems to be a common justification to colonialism. Can the work of cultural anthropologists be used to break this pattern and allow for more transparency to the public on what is happening?

    2. Most revealingly, the speech enlisted women to jus-tify American bombing and intervention in Afghanistanand to make a case for the "War on Terrorism" of which itwas allegedly a part,

      This sentence helps answer the main question of this paper: "Why are females mobilized in this 'war against terrorism' in a way they were not in other conflicts?" It seems that my forming the perception that Muslim women live in poor conditions because they are forced to live that way by terrorists justifies going to war and defeating the terrorists in order to "save" the women. This is problematic because we are not looking at a variety of other problems that have actually caused the women to live the way they do. This includes the regimes the U.S. help maintain in the Middle East.

    3. Why were these fe-male symbols being mobilized in this "War against Terror-ism" in a way they were not in other conflicts?

      I think this sentence summarizes the main idea of this paper. There seems to be a preconception that Muslim culture as inherently bad and is thus the reason of violence. To the western eye, the failure to treat women the way we do proves that Muslim is a violent culture. This is a problem because it obscures other possible explanations to this problem.

    1. Question: How do anthropologists gauge the success of their projects? The article said that in contrast to community activists, political anthropologists do not look for immediate results. How then do they determine if future endeavors are worth carrying out?

    2. Community activists and organizers are often looking for immediate and direct results evidenced by the methods they employ, such as public education campaigns, and protests to bring about change. Anthropological research can be posited as a more indirect form of activism, most often with implica-tions for long-term policy decisions.

      This section offers a clear explanation between community activists/ organizers and politically engaged anthropologists. Community activists look for immediately observable results from their work. In contrast, politically engaged anthropologists, as evident by their name, address political policy issues that will benefit impoverished people in the long run.

    3. the Scholar Practitioner Program, which was designed to explore the dis-parate impact that devolution had on communities of color

      The purpose of the second politically engaged anthropology example is given here. This experiment was conducted to explore how power shift from federal to state government affected the people within communities of color.

    4. We wanted to capture low-income girls' leadership activities and to nurture their activism.

      This is the first example of politically engaged anthropology, or pracademics. In this study, the researchers directly work with the subjects, which are young women. They want to "capture low income girls' leadership activities and to nurture their activism."

    5. margin of my own personal achievement, that of being awarded a degree and facilitating my employment as an aca-demic, to a center of relevance, ostensibly in the realm of policy.

      I think this statement highlights how anthropology can become vitally practical when the data collected is used in policy making. In this way, individuals of low socioeconomic backgrounds can be heard.

    6. This article narrates the connection be-tween practice and academics to illustrate what is encompassed in a politically engaged anthropology.

      It seems as though the purpose of this article is to explain what politically engaged anthropology entails

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