LDST 200: Introduction to LeadershipStudies and Applications Fall 2021 (Oct. 25-Dec. 17)Instructor Information: Jacob H. Stutzman, Ph.DEmail: jhstutz@ku.eduOffice Hours: by appointmentRequired Materials Heifetz, R., Grashow, A., & Linsky, M. (2009). The practice of adaptiveleadership: Tools and tactics for changing your organization and theworld. Boston, MA: Harvard Business PressInstitute for Leadershi

Just because a presentation-free culture works for Amazon or Klarna doesn’t mean it’ll work for everyone. Individual elements which work in one business culture don’t always transplant successfully to different environments (as many borrowers from, say, Nike or Apple culture have found). The six-page or shorter memo may work brilliantly in the context of Amazon but it requires a lot of discipline, and that context may be entirely different elsewhere.

here is a world of difference that separates the racist use of “nigger” from the vocalizing of “nigger” for pedagogical reasons aimed at enabling students to attain important knowledge

nonracist deployment of “nigger” should be accepted no matter the racial identity of the speaker.

Should my race make a difference, cloaking me with more leeway in my pedagogical options than white colleagues?

Every year, in hundreds of cases, “nigger” is heard in courts

In my view, “useful” instruction should be pursued.

That is because of my view of “feelings.” Feelings are not unchangeable givens, untouched and untouchable by how their expression is received.

I am convinced that in a substantial number of instances these fights are not really over hurt feelings. They are struggles over status and power.

I am skeptical of some of the claims of hurt. I suspect that some of them are the product of learned strategic ripostes.

it was inessential to do so. “It’s the distinction between useful or … essential. There are lots of things that you don’t do in a classroom as a teacher which might be useful, but you don’t do them for whatever reasons.

I do not “use” “nigger” in the sense in which “use” is rightly condemned. I do not bandy it about gratuitously, much less to taunt, threaten, demean, or insult anyone. I enunciate “nigger” in full, out loud with some purpose in mind.

to enunciate the epithet “nigger”?

It is not fundamentally wrong to identify as anti-Zionist on the grounds that the emancipatory aspects of Zionism as a national liberation movement for Jews has been outweighed by its racist, militarist, and settler colonial aspects. However, the failure to recognize the broad ideological spectrum among those who consider themselves Zionists—including those who oppose the occupation and support certain forms of BDS to pressure Israel’s right-wing government to change its illegal repressive policies—is quite unfair and makes it difficult to build the broad alliances necessary for the BDS campaign to achieve the needed political impact.

Despite this, however, U.S. supporters of the Israeli government have been remarkably successful in portraying the BDS campaign as its most extreme elements. The result has been near-universal condemnation of BDS by leading liberal politicians, the Democratic Party, and others who have previously been more sympathetic to campaigns in support of human rights, international law, and corporate responsibility.

One reason is that there are few cases where civil society organizations have come together so explicitly to call for such a campaign, as with the case in Palestine.

By contrast, no companies have withdrawn from Israel itself and a number of entities which have divested from companies supporting the occupation have explicitly noted that they are not advocating a total boycott of Israel.

A BDS campaign focused on ending the occupation would therefore have a much greater impact than one focused on the dissolution of a Jewish state of Israel.

The BDS campaign targeting the Israeli occupation threatens the profits of such powerful corporations as Hewlett-Packard, Motorola, and Caterpillar and encourages other campaigns for corporate responsibility.

Boycotts, divestments, and sanctions is not an organization or even a movement.

By rejecting any role for the United Nations or the relevance of international humanitarian law in occupied territories, and by insisting that such questions should only be resolved through voluntary agreement of the occupying power, Harris is effectively giving license to aggressors worldwide to conquer and occupy their neighbors with impunity.

Johnston, who represents Evan’s biological father and Anthony’s grandparents, says she has been inundated with calls from Kansans frustrated by their dealings with the department. Most are grandparents or parents trying to intervene on behalf of children they believe have suffered abuse

Students need learning goals, and they need to set these for themselves.

There is probably no need to release all the content at once. Doing so (to the tune of about 15 weeks worth of content) could be way overwhelming for any student. Releasing all the content at once around a very specific chunk of the course makes the most sense.

For the most part, I made myself go through the modules in the order in which they were created. I assumed they were placed in that order for a specific reason. If I hit content I already knew or didn’t want to apply just yet then I skipped over it to return to later if needed.

A manager's services, with regard to performance, are authorized by the organization, not the employees. This subtle equivocation between authority and authorizing someone to provide a service is the whole foundation for Heifetz's claim that leadership is a helping function.

But does the person who has even a brief leadership impact on people not need some kind of authority in order to command the attention of prospective followers? The degree of personal authority or credibility that is required to lead is situational, thus not a part of the basic meaning of leadership.

Heifetz says that Hitler is not a leader in spite of his ability to inspire people to follow him. He claims that leaders must "elevate" followers, not just influence them.

technical leadership does not just give people answers; it persuades them to accept a better way.

Not all leadership occurs in the context of a problem.

is followed by communities in Australia

Leadership can bring about immediate action or attitude change without the need to think through the issues.

Zionism understands particularist national identities as the best way to contribute to the broader world. Communities cannot exist with boundaries—and those boundaries often convey values, traditions, memories that help people find meaning—and contribute good deeds, important ideas, innovative technologies, benefitting everyone, far “beyond” one’s own particular national bubble.

Moreover, the Jewish state’s Jewishness is not solely religious because Jews are a people too. With anyone able to convert into the Jewish religion and thus join the Jewish people, Zionism is one of the most permeable, least biologically-based, and least racist, nationalisms.

Although Zionism is a version of ethnic nationalism, and American nationalism is a version of civic nationalism, both are mission driven. For both, national identity is not just about being born into the community. Rather, there is a communal sense that through belonging one becomes someone different – more caring, giving, responsible—and in so doing betters the world.

Without memory, we lack identity; and without identity we lack ethical anchors let alone a moral mission—individually and communally.

But I do not think that American Jews have an intermarriage problem; what we have, instead, is an intermarriage symptom. No amount of fretting about the symptom is going to make it go away. You deal with a symptom by identifying and attempting to heal the underlying malady.

In terms of the Enlightenment tradition and secular thought, the target here would not be the radicalism of the French Revolution but the moderate Enlightenment tradition with its “gentle light of Enlightenment,” as Steffen Martus describes it. In times of insecurity, intellectuals have the opportunity to show the promising hope of moderation.

In this regard, there is also a need today to include Islam in our understanding of the history of Western civilization. As Islam emerged in late antiquity on the edges of the Roman Empire on the Arabian Peninsula it became a unique expression of religious sentiment within an intercultural and interreligious context of Arab, Jewish, and Christian theological debate. Some rightwing populists today want to present Islam as a radical alterity that has nothing to do with Western civilization. From the perspective of Jewish and Christian religious history, however, Islam is better understood as a proximate-other. As historical-critical exegesis of the Quran and scientific historical research of the emergence of Islam have shown, the genesis of the religion was deeply related to Jewish and Christian traditions and the theological debates of late antiquity in the Arab contex

The push for stronger cultural identities and political borders is inseparable from the general concern about Islam and immigration. Most of the new populists are promoting a one-sided criticism of Islam. This is connected to the public fears of terrorism, angst about Sharia, the status of women in Muslim communities, demographic tensions (aging European populations with lower birth rates and younger immigrant populations with higher birthrates), and issues surrounding the social integration of immigrants. In this context, talk about the Jewish and Christian heritage of the West has reemerged in secular Europe and in the United States as an alternative identity-forming heritage. This is the case even in a very secular place like former East Germany.