23 Matching Annotations
  1. Apr 2025
    1. This process has not only reduced cable’s, and (probably) DBS’s, disruptive potential, it also ensured that those same structures will remain profitable. Although taken over and somewhat battered and by no means inured to the consequences of myopic managements, nevertheless all the major American broadcasting players are still in place.

      The availability of additional channels together with advanced technology did not change the conventional nature of cable content because viewers maintained traditional habits while producers faced limitations and advertisers demanded familiar programming. The media situation demonstrates an overall conflict about the extent of freedom people have in their choices because established systems control their decisions.

    2. The 24-hour news channels, for example, simply repeat a slowly (mostly very slowly) changing traditional news bulletin every half-hour virtually all the time.

      The number of channels has increased, but content innovation remains limited. This challenges the story that cable introduced creativity and diversity to television because it maintained the same formulaic structures across additional outlets.

    3. What is clear is that cable in America represents one of the consciousness industry’s real triumphs as a majority of Americans now pay twice, through advertisements and subscriptions, primarily to watch television channels they used to pay for only once.

      Winston’s critique extends past infrastructure because he reveals how capitalism turned free public content into a product for sale. The “Paying twice” phrase shows how media consumers are increasingly commodified through both advertising and subscription fees.

    4. The cable industry, however, paid not a cent to the broadcasters

      The cable industry copied broadcast signals without paying content creators or network owners. Cable expansion occurred in legal ambiguity, deprived content producers of funding, and sparked initial concerns about media equity and ownership structures and payment systems.

    5. It has taken decades to achieve even this limited function but it should be noted that at no time had this slow diffusion been occasioned by technological constraints.

      Winston explains that technological capability does not automatically lead to industry transformation. Cable could have rivaled or replaced broadcasting early on, but it didn’t due to institutional and regulatory resistance. This supports his idea of the “suppression of radical potential,” meaning revolutionary technologies are often stifled by dominant systems that feel threatened.

    1. Deregulation both facilitated the proliferation of demographics for whom to program as well as the corporate conglomeration that consolidated the power over the medium into the hands of an even more rarified few.

      The text makes me rethink the concept of “representation” in TV. It’s not just about being seen—it’s about why and when those representations are allowed to exist. It’s a sobering thought to realize how quickly inclusivity can be discarded when it no longer serves a corporate strategy.

    2. Scholars point to these ironies and inaccuracies from different perspectives. For example, Robert McChesney, one of the most outspoken and widely cited critics of deregulation, argues that the rapid deregulation that occurred during the multi‐channel era was far more political than the press or public understood. Shortly after the passage of the Act he wrote that it was “a preemptive strike by the corporate sector to dominate the emerging digital system”

      Given that deregulation was framed as increasing “diversity, competition, and innovation,” how can future policy resist the same rhetorical traps and actually foster a broader range of ownership and voices?

    3. In this chapter, we seek to show how FOX initially created space for more voices (albeit sometimes problematic ones) during the multi‐channel transition.

      If FOX found early success by appealing to black and brown audiences, why did the industry not recognize the long-term value in maintaining that connection? Was it purely about short-term profitability, or was there fear of "ghettoizing" the brand?

    4. The desired audience was reimagined; the brand was king and programming was created accordingly, for better and for worse.

      The transition from public service programming to brand identity-led programming represents a major transformation. The evolution of television into a completely commercial platform becomes evident through this development because it makes identity politics and representation subject to marketable considerations rather than cultural requirements.

    5. The netlet has the luxury of experimentation and innovation in its attempt to find an audience.

      The description of FOX as a “netlet” gives a nuanced perspective on how being smaller and newer allowed for creative risks. This framing is key to understanding why FOX could launch programming like In Living Color or 21 Jump Street, which wouldn’t have made it onto more conservative networks like NBC or CBS.

    1. The top‐rated programs across all TV viewing are broadcast network sporting events and competition‐oriented reality programming, each of which encourages traditional real‐time rather than time‐shifted viewing.

      This text demonstrates how broadcast television networks remain vital because they attract big audiences during important national events such as elections, the Super Bowl, and major crises such as 9/11. The daily habits of Americans include watching television for almost three hours each day with a special interest in live sports and reality shows. The text shows how broadcast TV functions as a national unifying force during important events while NBC and CBS remain major television networks with substantial viewer numbers. The text demonstrates how television remains culturally significant for both regular viewing and significant events.

    2. This was a period in which an unprecedented emergence of new portrayals of female characters and women’s work appeared in prime‐time as the Big Three both responded to demographic transformations and increasingly sought “prime” rather than necessarily “mass” viewership. Hence, Jane Feuer, Paul Kerr, and Tise Vahimagi’s collection, MTM: “Quality Television” (1984) carefully examines both the industrial and regulatory conditions that encouraged MTM’s “studio” style and content for CBS as well as its flagship program’s conventions which contextualized the “progressive,” single, professional “new woman” within a tasteful, warm comedy with the workplace family’s love at its core (Figure 4.2).

      This demonstrates how feminist scholarship transformed classic television studies by examining representation, audience engagement, and ideological functions. The initial feminist analysis showed how television programming divided audiences between female viewers who managed household responsibilities during the day and male viewers who worked as breadwinners during prime time.

      Scholars studied how television networks evolved their content by introducing independent female characters to reach newly emerging female audiences during the women's movement's growing influence. The cultural values of society evolved through this transformation, which also served as a business approach for the industry to shape and reflect societal norms. The main question focused on whether these representations broke traditional norms or marketed feminism for commercial gain.

    3. Indeed, while prior to the classic era many local stations were multiply affiliated, picking and choosing programming from more than one of the Big Three, one of the hallmarks of the classic period is an increase in both affiliate and owned‐and‐operated station numbers and in single‐network‐ identified affiliations. At the same time daily hours of network‐provided programs filled more of each affiliate’s schedule.

      This demonstrates how the Big Three networks achieved competition and dominance through branding, even operating in a restricted market. The networks used distinct branding strategies to reach different audience segments while selecting programming content that avoided risk. The move toward single-network affiliations expanded their reach nationwide, creating a standardized television culture. The current streaming services present numerous choices yet maintain branding strategies similar to those of the past.

    4. The democratic possibilities of commercial media are, of course, always a site of contention and struggle. All voices cannot be included in a given program’s address nor adequately spoken to in an audience. As venues within a commercially‐sponsored medium, the Big Three were also, in the end, always constrained by sponsors’ desires to sell products.

      This observation reveals the commercial aspect of television. The pursuit of advertiser-friendly content led to the sacrifice of creative risks in television production. The question remains whether streaming platforms have escaped the advertising model through subscription-based services or if algorithmic control now functions as a similar gatekeeping mechanism.

    5. In a context whereby three outlets controlled television as a medium, considerable contemporaneous attention was paid to questions regarding the effect of such concentrated access to a national audience and to the type of programming provided by such limited channels.

      Networks focused on broad audience appeal, resulting in standardized content. The approach of ensuring high ratings came at the expense of creative risks. A question to consider: The method restricted creative risks while maintaining high ratings, which raises questions about its impact on television's future development.

  2. Mar 2025
    1. Radio is beating the newspaper almost daily, whenever it sees an event which it deems of sufficient importance to broadcast ... Incomplete, to be sure, abominably reported, often, by radio's student news-casters. But first by radio, and second by newspapers.

      Could this press-radio battle be compared to today’s struggle between traditional media and digital platforms?

    2. Even though the CBS effort was destined for destruction, it did lay the groundwork for the efforts of Transradio Press, the organization which, along with any number of individual station efforts, finally did force the printed news media to back down.

      How did the role of the government in regulating media shift after this period?

    3. The charge of negative public consideration, however, ought to be tempered with some of the hard economic facts of life that were pressing themselves on the publishers.

      The public’s demand for accessible and fast news ultimately dictated the outcome, emphasizing the importance of consumer preference in shaping media landscapes.

    4. That radio was delivering the news faster than newspapers, that radio was making money doing this, and that the public obviously wanted radio to perform this service, were all bitter pills for the publishers to swallow.

      What were the long-term impacts of this media war on journalism ethics and standards?

    5. Indeed, radio's advertising revenues were constantly growing while the press's were declining

      The press underestimated radio’s potential, much like some traditional media initially underestimated the internet’s influence.

    6. The publishers continued to try to run Transradio out of business, but their last formal efforts, in effect, gave the victory to broadcasting.

      This case highlights a recurring theme in media history: resistance to innovation followed by inevitable adaptation.

    7. The publishers thought they had several valid reasons for not letting radio become an agency for news dissemination. In an editorial in Editor and Publisher, the trade journal said the following: First, radio broadcasting was not free. It was under government control, and, therefore, the potential for propaganda was too great. Second, because of physical limitations, radio could only do a superficial job of reporting the news, and this served only to create "... confused, incomplete public thought and intensified ignorance on public matters." Third, radio is more interested in selling news than serving the public. Fourth, meager reporting of news is not in the public interest.12 These reasons impressed few other than the publishers

      The press's attempt to suppress radio news appears self-serving despite their claims of protecting public interest.

    8. There was no serious animosity at first. There was no real need for it. In the prosperous 1920's there seemed to be plenty of advertising money to go around,2 and the things which radio was doing made good newspaper copy. However, as the decade closed the newspapers were becoming aware of the fact that their advertising revenues were dropping, while those of radio were on the increase

      The press initially saw radio as a good thing but later realized its potential to become a competitor.