aving grandly declared that he had “total authority” to direct the responses of the states to the virus, he opted instead to exhort states to hunt for whatever they needed within their borders or in private markets. When dispatching equipment in the hands of the federal government to imploring governors he warned that he expected them to express “appreciation” for his largesse and demeaned the performance of ones (Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, Jay Inslee of Washington, JB Pritzker of Illinois, and Andrew Cuomo of New York, for instance) who were insufficiently unctuous. 17The federal government’s regulatory interventions likewise fell far short of what health experts sought. Whether and when to impose lockdowns that shut nonessential work sites and to issue work-from-home decrees was left to governors and local officials. As scientific consensus grew that wearing a mask when outside one's home was a vital protection against catching and spreading the virus, the president declared in early April that mask-wearing was a matter of personal choice and that he, for one, would not do so. (As noted above, he would briefly change his tune in mid and late July.) Attempts by the CDC to draft guidelines for safe conduct amid the pandemic were delayed, derailed, and diluted by White House reviews and edits, and emerged finally on April 16. Although Trump loudly demanded that the nation’s schools reopen as usual (parents stuck tutoring their kids at home could not easily rejoin and therefore help to stimulate the economy), practical decisions on the timing and terms of reopening and closure fell to states, localities, and school districts, which decried both the ensuing “patchwork” of rules and advisories and (in many areas) the lack of funds for the physical modifications needed to ensure the safety of students. 18Because combatting the pandemic entailed costly and disruptive interventions with which all citizens were asked or required to comply, communication that built legitimacy and won the public’s trust in these measures was critical to success. In the United States effective communication was crippled from the outset because Trump’s faith in the imminent miraculous disappearance of COVID-19 and conflation of its dangers with those of a flu or cold found an avid audience in extensive right wing media networks manned by Fox News, Rush Limbaugh, Breitbart news, and many still dimmer lights on television, radio, the internet, the blogosphere, Facebook, and Twitter. (On Fox see Stelter, 2020.) While it is hard to gauge precisely the share of the population that took advice on the pandemic primarily from these sources, an estimate of 20-30 percent would probably not be far afield. Hermetically sealed within a conservative communications bubble that has counterparts but no real “peers” in other Western democracies, millions of commentators and listeners embroidered interpretations of the virus as a hoax perpetrated and perpetuated by liberal Democrats, rejected masks and lockdowns as assaults on personal freedom and on the wellbeing of the economy, and touted the virtues of hydroxychloroquine and other unproven therapies. 19Denial of the gravity of the virus and disregard of expert counsel did not of course prevail across the whole population, nor even within a majority of it.
What a federal response should be