ladies can’t get their pretty heads around money

Girl Dinner

citizens of convenience are portrayedas feeling hyper-entitled, unwilling to take responsibility for themselves,demanding, ungrateful, and hungry for luxury

government is slashing funding everywhere in thecountry why are we paying for those who chose to work and pay taxes inanother country?

use the Canadian passport asa “get out of [troubled] country free card” (USGElosers), only to aban-don Canada and return “home” as soon as the trouble comes to an end.

commentators idealize a racially coded neoliberal citizenship character-ized by self-reliance

outsider status is actively sustained throughpractices of exclusion

beinginside for generations does not automatically transform the outsider intoan insider.

This overburdens city services and resources like garbage collection or water and wastewater infrastructure, which are allocated on a single-family basis. While only one member of an overcrowded household pays property taxes, the resources are being stretched to meet everyone’s needs.

2002, more than three quarters of all development was low-density single-family homes, as of 2015, close to 70 per cent of all housing in the area are high-rise buildings.

place

the federal government released a report praising its Express Entry program

king

it is not surprising that infant mortality is excessive.

The women, however aged, walk;

the slave of her husband and the priest,

This little state degrades woman to still greater extent than her sister countries, as they there form the beasts of burden in war, and are counted among the “animals” belonging to the prince.

marr

p

“No work seems to be done except by woman and dogs. With few exceptions women do the harvesting, working like oxen,”

On the Alps, husbands borrow and lend their wives,

It is but a few years since the laws of Switzerland compelled division of the paternal estate with sisters as well as brothers, this change provoking intense opposition from the men.

In addition to all this out-of-door labor performed by the German women, they have that of the house and the preparation of clothing for the family. They industriously knit upon the street while doing errands; they cook, they spin and make clothing which takes them afar into the night, rearing their children amid labor so severe as forever to drive smiles from their faces, bringing the wrinkles of pre- mature old age in their place.

Women become beasts of burden; still they do not grumble; they do not smile either—they simply exist. The only liberty they have is liberty to work; the only rest they have is sleep. The existence of a cow or a sheep is a perpetual heaven, while theirs is a perpetual hell,

No burden in Germany. is considered too heavy for woman until the failing strength of old age necessitates a change of occu pation, when amid all varities of weather they take 1 ] i the place of the newsboys of our own country, sell- ‘ ing papers upon the streets.

Women and dogs harnessed together are found drawing milk carts in the streets; women and cows yoked draw the plough in the fields; the German peasant wife works on the roads or carries mortar to the top of the highest buildings, while her husband smokes his pipe at the foot of the ladder until she descends for him to again fill the hod. To such extent is woman a laborer that she comes in competition with the railroad and ali public methods of traffic.

Germany, whose women were revered in the cen- turies before Christianity,

his decreasing size of Frenchmen especially among the peasantry, the majority not coming up to the regulation army height, has within the last fifteen or twenty years called attention of the government during conscrip- tion, yet without seeming to teach its cause as lying in the poor food and hard labor of women, the mothers of these men.

the work imposed upon its Christian women, the “curse” of man thrust upon her, is the chief cause of the less- ening size and lessening population of that country.

Many of these girls die of slow starvation, others are driven into prostitution, still athers seek relief in the Seine. French women perform. the most repulsive labors of the docks; they work in. the mines dragging or pushing heavy trucks of coal like their English sisters, through narrow tunnels that run from the seams to the shaft; eating food of such poor quality that the lessening stature of the population daily shows the result.

In but three or four trades are they even fairly well paid, and these few require a peculiar adaptation, as well as an expensive training out of reach of most women laborers, And even in these best paid kinds of work, a discrimination in favor of man exists; at the China manufactory at Sévres where the men employed receive a retiring pension, the women do not. From fifteen to eighteen pence represents the daily earnings of the Parisian work- ing girl, upon which sum it is impossible for her to properly support life.

A most deplorable evidence of the low respect in which woman is held and the slavery that work and cheap wages mean for her, is the suggestion often made by employers that she shall supplement her wages by the sale of her body.

It was found imperative many year's since, among the women of England to organ- “ize leagues of their own sex alone, if they desired their own interest in labor to be protected; the male yades Unions of that country excluding women rom.some of the best paid branches of industry, as tatpet making, cloth weaving, letter press printing.

fganizations, strikes, the eight hour law demand, re largely conducted by men for men. The grim mor originating the proverb “a man’s work is fon sun to sun, a woman’s work is never done,” fill ‘clings with all its old force to women in most imployments. To such small extent has man made woman worker’s cause his own, that instances ‘aie to be found even in the United States, where men and women working together and together going “cout-upon a strike, the men have been reinstated at the increase demanded, the women forced to return “atthe old wages.

We must also recall the opposition of the church through the ages to all attempts made towards the amelioration of woman’s suffering at time of her bringing forth children, upon the plea that such mit. igation was a direct interference with the mandate of the Almighty and an inexcusable sin. It will be recalled that in the chapter upon witchcraft, the bit- ter hostility of the church to the use of anesthetics by the women physicians of that period was shown, and its opposing sermons, its charges of heresy, its burnings at the stake as methods of enforcing that opposition, Man, ever unjust to woman, has been no less so in the field of work. He has not taken upon.:: himself the entire work of the world, as commanded, but has ever imposed a large portion of it upon woman. Neither do all men labor; but thousands in idleness evade the “curse” of work pronounced upon all men alike, The church in its teachings and through its non-preaching the duty of man in this respect, is guilty of that defiance of the Lord God it has ever been so ready to attribute to woman...

Ghettos in Canada's cities?

They all aim at attracting inves-tors and housing market actors with medium tohigh incomes

satellite campus of Ryerson University

build a plethora of condo-minium projects

population will be around thatnumber in 2040

This new plan is based on the economic in-tegration of the GTA, the Kitchener-Water-loo area, Guelph and Oshaw

popula-tion increase has been accommodated by theopening of new subdivisions

living in Toronto, and nowworking in Brampton”

Brampton is located inthe centre of new regional plans for logistics,warehousing, transportation and airport-re-lated businesses in Peel Region.

h

Ethnicity

the way forward lies ingreater ethnic mixing

`no-go areas for Whites', `local authorities taken over byAsians', `tradition-bound communities', all of which pushed the disenfranchised Whiteworking class towards the BNP as the voice of a new victim community)

media reporting itself, which sensationalised the disturbances,sparked further anger through a highly racialised account of events as they unfolded

`White flight

During a basic training presentation on the operations of the service's communications bureau, a speaker remarked that, in the future, outgoing police officers would be replaced by "women and Pakis."

1989.

speak four languages

“When the townhouse debate took place at city hall, the chamber was filled. Every single person was South Asian. Instead of making it a South Asian issue, why didn’t the community leaders invite all Bramptonians?”

All cities go through this period. In Toronto you had Little Italy, Greektown, Chinatown. It wasn’t intolerance that pushed the other people out, it’s just the pattern

a lack of vision from the city’s leaders

fair property taxation

ls.

We shouldn’t have Indian pockets, or Chinese pockets, in Canada. We need to be coming together, not isolating ourselves from each other

disconnect

“In Brampton, developers have been allowed to build sprawling subdivisions with big-box stores. People get in their cars, drive to work, drive to Walmart, then drive home to their subdivision. It’s built in a way that keeps people segregated.”

Brampton suffers identity crisis

At a more complex levd, they placed blacks fur the first time at the centre ofthe popular cinematic genres - crime and action films -and thus made themessential to what we may call the 'mythic' life and culture of the Americancinema- more important, perhaps, in the end, than their 'realism· For this iswhere the collective fantasies of popular life are worked out. and theexclusion of blacks from its confines made them precisely, peculiar, different,placed them 'outside the picture' It deprived them of the celebrity status,heroic charisma, the glamour and pleasure of identification accorded to thewhite heroes of film noir, the old pnvate eye. crime and police thrillers. the'romances' of urban low-life and the ghetto. With these films, blacks hadarrived in the cultural mainstream- with a vengeance!

We can see at once the appeal of these films, especially, though notexclusively, to black audienc In the ways their heroes deal with whites.there is a remarkable absence, indeed a conscious reversal of, the olddeference or childlike dnpendency. In many ways, these are 'revenge' films-audiences relishing the black heroes' triumphs over 'Whitey', loving the facthat they're getting away with it! What we may call the moral playing-field islevelled. Blacks arc neither always worse nor always better than whites. Theycome in the usual human shapes- good, bad and indifferent. They are nodifferent from the ordinary (white) average American in their tastes, styles.behaviour, morals, motivations In class terms, they can he as 'cool', affluentand well groomed as their white counterparts. And their 'locations' are thefamiliar real-life settings of ghetto, street, police station and drug-bust

n the <liscullsion of racial stereotyping m the American cinema, wediscussed the ambiguous position of Sidney Poitier and talked about anmfl'gmtionist strategy in liS film-making in the 1950s. This strategy, as wesaid. :arried heavy costs. Blacks could gain entry to the mainstream- butonly at the cost of adapting to the white image of them and assimilating whitenorms of Sf) lP. looks and behaviour. Following the Civil Rights movement, inthe 1960s and 70s, there was a much more aggressive affirmation of blackcultural identity. a positive attitude towards difference and a struggle overrepresentationTho first fruit of this counter-revolution was a series of tllms, beginning withSwpet Sweetback's Baadusss Song (t.lartin Van Peebles, 1971). and GordonParks' box-office success, Shaft. In Sweet Sweetback, Van Peebles valuespositively all the characteristics which would normally have been negativestereotypes. He made his black hero a professional stud. who successfullywades tho police with the help of a succesllion of black ghetto low-lifers, setstire to a police car, shafts another with a pool cue, lights out for the Mexicanborder. making full use of his sexual prowess at every opportunity, andultimately gets away with it all. to a message scrawled across the screen: 'ABAADASSS NIGGER IS COMING BACK TO COLLECT SOME DUES'. Shaft

The circularity of power is especially important in the context ofrepresentation. The argument is that everyone- the powerful and thepowerless- is caught up, though not on equal terms, in power's circulation.No one- neither its apparent victims nor its agents -can stand whollyoutside its field of operation (think, here, of the Paul Robeson example).

Let me remind you that, theoretically, the argument which enables us to posethis question at all is the proposition (which we have discussed in severalplaces and in many different ways) that meaning can never be finally fixed. Ifmeaning could be fixed by representation. then there would be no change-and so no counter-strategies or interventions. Of course, we do makestrenuous efforts to fix meaning- that is precisely what the strategies ofsterr.otyping are aspiring to do, often with considerable success, for a time.But ultimately. meaning begins to slip and slide; it begins to drift, or bewrenched, or inflected into new directions. New meanings are grafted on toold ones. Words and images carry connotations over which no one hascomplutP control. and these marginal or submerged meanings come to thesurface. allowmg different meanings to be constructed, different things to beshown and said. That is why we referred you to the work of Bakhtin andVolosinov in section 1.2. For they have givun a powerful impetus to thepracl ice of what has come to be known as trans-coding: taking an existingmeaning and re-appropriating it for new meanings (e.g. 'Black is Beautiful').

What isdeclared to be different, hideous, 'primitivP' deformed, is at the same timebeing obsessively enjoyed and lingered over becuusl' it is strange, 'different',exotic

disavowal

Fetishism takes us into the malm where fantasy intervenes in representation;to tlwle,·el where what is shown or seen. in representation, can only beunderstood in relation to what cannot he seen. what cannot be shown.involves tlw substitution of an 'object" for some dangerousand poweriul but forbidden forct'. Tn anthropology, it refers to the way thepowerful and dangerous spirit of a god can be displaced on to an object- afeather, a piece of slick, even a communion wafer- which then becomescharged with the spiritual power of that for which it is a substitute. In Marx'snotion of 'commodity fetishism·, the living labour of the worker has beendisplaced and disappears into things - the commodities which workersproduce but have to buy back as though they belonged to someone else. Inpsychoaualysis, 'fetishism' is described as the substitute for the 'absent'phallus- as when the sexual drive becomes displaced to some other part ofthe body. The substitute then becomes eroticized, invested with the sexualenergy, power and desire which cannot find in the object to whichit is really dit·ected. Fetishism in representation borrows from all these

Next, she was subjected to an exlremn form of reductionism- a strategy oftenapplied to the representation of women "s bodies, of whatever 'race'especially in pornography. The 'hils' of her that were preserved served, in anessentializing and reductionist manner, as 'a pathological summary of theentim individual' (Gilman, 1985. p. 88). In the models and casts of themwhich were preserved in the Musee De L'Homme, she was literally turnedinto a set of separate objects, into a thing- 'a collection of sexual parts' Sheunderwent a kind of symbolic dismantling or fragmentation - anothertechnique familiar from both male and female pornography. We are remmdedhenJ of Frantz Fanon 's description in Black Skin, White Masks. of the way hefelt disintegrated, as a black man, hy the look of the white person: 'theglances of the other fixed me therl'. in the sense iu which a chemical solutionis fixed by a dye. I was indignant; I demanded an explanation. Nothinghappened. I burst apart. Now the fragments have bf!en put together again byanother self' (1986, p. 109). Saartje Baartman die! not exist as 'a person' Shehad been disassembled into hf!r relevant parts. She was 'fetishized'- turnedinto au objed. This substitution of a purl for the whole, of a thing- an object,an organ, a portion of the body- for a subject, is the effect of a very importantrepresentational practice- fetishism.

Further, she became 'known', represented and observed through a series ofpolarized, binary oppositions. 'Primitive', not 'civilized', she was assimilatedto the Natural order- and therefore compared with wild beasts, like the apeor the orangutan -rather than to the Human Culture. This naturalization ofdifference was signified, above all, by her sexuality. She was reduced to herbody and her body in turn was reduced to her sexual organs. They stood asthe essential signifiers of her place in the universal scheme of things. In her,Nature and Culture coincided, and could therefore be substituted for oneanother, read off against one another. \\That was seen as her 'primitive' sexualgenitalia signified her 'primitive' sexual appetite, and vice versa.

I want to pick out severa I points from 'TheHottentot Venus' in relation toquestions of stereotyping, fantasy andfetishism.First, note the preoccupation- one could saythe obsession- with marking 'di(j(!rence·Saartje Baartman became the embodiment of'difference' What's more, her difference was'pathologized': represented as a pathologicalform of 'otherness' Symbolically, she did notfit the othnot:entric norm which was appliedto European women and, falling outside awostom classificatory system of what'women' are like, she had to be constructedas 'Other'Next, observe her reduction to Nature, thesignifier of which was her body. Her bodywas 'read', like a text, for the living evidence-the proof, the Truth- which it provided ofher absolute 'otherness' and therefore of anirreversible difference between the 'races'

A good example ofthis 'circularity' of power relates to how black masculinityis represented within a racialized regime of representation. Kobena Mercerand Isaac Julien (HI94) argue that the representation of black masculinity 'hasbeen forged in and through the histories of slavery, colonialism andimperialism'As sociologists like Robert Staples (1982) have argued, a central strand ofthe 'racial' power exercised by the white male slave master was thedenial of certain masculine attributes to black male slaves, such asauthority, familial responsibility and the ownership of property. Throughsuch collective, historical experiences black men have adopted certainpatriarchal values such as physical strength, sexual prowess and being incontrol as a means of survival against the repressive and violent systemof subordination to which they have been subjected.The incorporation of a codtl of 'macho' behaviour is thus intelligible as ameans of recuperatmg some degree of power over the condition ofpowerlessness and dependency in relation to the white master subject.The prevailing lin contemporary Britain} projects an image ofblack male youth as 'mugger' or 'rioter' But this regime ofrepresentation is reproduced and maintained in hegemony because blackmen have had to resort to 'toughness' as a defensive response to the prioraggression and vlolem:P that characterizes the wav black communitiesare policed This cycle between reality and representation makes theidt•ological fictions of racism empirically 'true'- or rather, there is astruggle over the definition, understanding atld construction of meaningsaround black masculinity within the dominant regim(;l of truth

However, there are also some important similarities. For Gramsci, as forFoucault, power also involves knowledge, representation, idoas, culturalleadership and authority, as well as economic constraint and physicalcoercion. Both would have agreed that power cannot be captured by thinkingexclusively in terms of force or coercion: power also seduces, solicits.induces, wins consent. It cannot be thought of in terms of one group having amonopoly of power, simply radiating power downwards on a subordinategroup by an exercise of simple dommation from abovP. ft includes thedominant and the dominated within its circuits. As Homi Bhabha hasremarked, apropos Said, 'it is difficult to conceive subjectification as aplacing within Orientalist or colonial discourse for the dominated subjectwithout the dominant being strategically placed within it too' (Bhabha,1986a, p. 158). Power not only constrains and prevents: it is also productive.It produces new discourses, new kinds of knowledge (i.e. Orientalism). newobjects of knowledge (the Orient), it shapes new practices (colonization) andinstitutions (colonial government). It operates at a micro-level- Foucault's'micro-physics of power'- as well as in terms of wider strategies. And, forboth theorists, power is to be found everywhere. As Foucault insists, powercirculates.

You should also recall here our earlier discussion in Chapter 1, aboutintroducing power into questions of representation. Power. we recognizedthere, always operates in conditions of unequal relations. Gramsci, of course.would have stressed 'between classes', whereas Foucault always refused toidentify any specific subject or subject-group as the source of power. which,he said, operates at a local, tactical level. These are important differencesbetween these two theorists of power

Said's disl:ussion of Oriental ism closely parallels Foucault's power/knowledge argument: a discourse produces. through different practices ofrep1·esentation (scholarship, exhibition. literature. painting, etc.), a form ofmcialized knowledge of the Other (Orientalism) deeply implicated in theoperations of power (imperialism).

In his study of how Europe constructed a stereotypical image of 'the Orient',Edward Said (1978) argues that, far from simply reflecting what the countriesof the Near East were actually likH, 'Orientalism' was the discourse 'by whichEuropean culture was able to manage- and even produce- the Orientpolitically, sor.iologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically andimaginatively during the post-Enlightenment period' Within the frameworkof western hegemony over the Orient, he says, there emerged a m1w object ofknowledge- 'a complex Orwnt suitable fur study in the academy. for displayin the museum, for reconstruction in the colonial office. for theoreticalillustration in anthropological, biological, linguistic, racial and historicaltheses about mankind and the universe, for instances of economic andsociological theories of development, revolution, cultural personalities,national or religious r.haracter' (pp. 7-8). This form of power is closelyconnected with knowledge, or with the practices of what Foucault called'power/knowlodge'.

Within stereotyping, then, we have established a connection betweenrepresentation, difference and power. However, we need to probe the natureof this power mo1 e fully. We often think of power in terms of direct physicalcoercion or constraint. However, we have also spoken, for exampltl, of powerin representation; power to mark, assign all! I classify; of svmbolic power; ofritualized expulsion. Power, it seems, has to be understood here, not only intem1s of economic exploitation and physical cOlm:ion, but abo in broadercultural or symbolic terms, including the power to represent someone orsomething in a certain way- witlun a certam 'regime of representation· Itincludes the exercise of symbolic power through representational practices.Stereotyping is a key element m this exercise of symbolic violence.

In short, stereotyping is what Foucault called a 'power/knowledge' sort ofgame. It classifies people according to a norm and constructs the excluded as'other' Interestingly, it is also what Gram sci would have called an aspect ofthe struggle for hegemony. As Dyer observe:, 'The establishment of normalcy(i.e. what is accepted as 'normal') through social- and stereo-types is oneaspect of the habit of ruling groups to attempt to fashion the whole ofsociety according to their own world view, value system, sensibility andideology. So right is this world view for the ruling groups that they make itappear (as it does appear to them) as 'natural' and 'inevitable'- and foreveryone- and, in so far as they succeed, they establish their hegemony'(Dyer, 1977. p. 30). Hegemony is a form ot power based on leadership by agroup in many fields of activity at once, so that its ascendancy commandswidespread consent and appears natural and inevitable.

he third pomt is that stereotypmg tends to occur where there are grossinequalities of power Power is usually directed against the subordinate or•xcluded group. One aspect of this power. according to Dyer. is'the application of the norms of one's own culture to that ofothers' (Brown, 1965. p. 183). Again. remember Derrida's argument that,between binary oppositions like Us/Them. ·we are not dealing withpeaceful coexistence hut rathor with a violent hierarchy. One of the twoterms governs ... the other or has the upper hand' (1972. p. 41).

Stereotyping as a signifying practice is central to the representation of racialdifference. But what is a stereotype'? How does it actually work? In his essayon 'Stereotyping', Richard Dyer (1977) makes an important distinctionbetween typing and stereotyping. lie argues that, without the use of t)pes.would be difficult, if not impossible. to make sense of the world. Weunderstand the world by referring individual objects, people or events in ourheads to the general classificatory schemes into which - according to ourculture- they fit. Thus we 'decode' a flat object on legs on which we placethings as a 'table" We may never have seen that kind of 'table' before, but wehave a general concept or category of "table' in our heads. into which we 'fit'the particular objects we perceive or encounter. In other words. weunderstand 'the particular' in terms of its 'type' We deploy what AlfredSchutz called In this sense. 'typing· is essential to theproduction of meaning (an argument we made earlier in Chapter 1).

Before we pursue this argument, however, we need to reflect further on howthis racialized regime of representation actually works. Essentially, thisinvolves examining more deeply the set of representational practices knownas stereotyping. So far, we have considered the essentializing. reductionistand naturalizing effects of stereotyping. Stereotyping reduces people to a few,simple, essential characteristics, which are represented as fixed by NatureHere, we exam me fotu further aspects: (a) the construction of 'otherness' andexclusion; (b) stereotyping and power; (c) the rule of fantasy; and (d)fetishism.

Stereotyping. in other words. is part of the maintenance of social andsymbolic order. It sets up a symbolic frontier between the 'normal' and the'deviant' the 'normal' and the ·pathological' the 'acceptable' and the·unacceptable' what 'belongs' and what does not or is 'Other' between'insiders' and 'outsiclers', Us and Tlunn. It facilitates the 'binding' or bondingtogt>ther of all of Us who are 'normal' into one ·imagined community'; and itsends into symbolic exile all of Them- 'the Others· -who are in some waydiffment- 'beyond the pale' 1\fary Douglas (1966). for example, argued thatwhatever is 'out of place' is considered as polluted. dangerous, taboo.Negative feelings cluster around it. It must be symbolically excluded if the'purity' of the culture is to be restored. The feminist theorist, Julia Kristeva,ealls such expelled or excludecl groups. 'ahjected' (from the Latin meaning,literally. 'throVIn out') (Kristeva. 1982).

Secondly, stereotyping deploys a strategr of 'splitting' It divides the normaland the acceptable h·om the abnormal and the unacceptable. It then excludesor expels everything which does not fit. which is different. Dyer argues that 'asystem of social- and stereo-types refers to what is, as it were, within andbeyond the pale of normalcy [i.e. behaviour which is accepted as 'normal' inany culture). Types are instances which indicate those who live by the rulesof society (social types) and those who the rules are designed to exclude(stereotypes). For this reason, stereotypes are also more rigid than socialtypes. IB)oundaries must be clearly delineated and so stereotypes, oneofthe mechanisms of boundary maintenance, are characteristically fixed,clear-cut. unalterable' (ibid .. p. 29). So, another feature of stereotyping is itspractice of 'closure· and exclusion. It symbolically fixes boundaries, andexdud('s et·ery1hing ll'lziclz does not belong.

What, then, is the difference between a type and a stereotype? Stereotypes gethold of the few 'simple, vivid, memorable, easily grasped and widelyrecognized' characteristics about a person. reduce everything about the personto those traits, exaggerate and simplify them, and fix them without change ordevelopment to eternity. This is the proctlSS we desc.ribed earlier. So the firstpoint is- stereotyping reduces, essentializes, naturalizes and fixes· ·

Richard Dyer argues that we are always ·making sense' of things in terms ofsome wider categories. Thus, for example, we come to 'know' somethingabout a person by thinking of the roles which he or she performs. is he/she aparent. a child, a worker, a lover, boss, or an old age pensioner? We assignhim/her to the membership of different groups, according to class, gender,age group, nationality, 'race', linguistic group, sexual preference and so on.We order him/her in terms of personality type- is he/she a happy, serious,depressed, scatter-brained, over-active kind of person? Our picture of whothe person 'is' is built up out of the information we accumulate frompositioning him/her within these different orders of typification. In broadtenns, then, 'a type is any simplE!, vivid, memorable, easily grasped andwidely recognized characterization in which a few traits are foregrounded andchange or "development" is kept to a minimum' (Dyer, 1977. p. 28)

inaccessibility of public land as growing space for those without economic resources, scientific expertise and political influence, thus reproducing uneven development in the city.

Effective solutions will require collaboration and coordinationbetween federal, provincial and municipal governments, the privatesector, labour, community organizations, and educational institutions.

Incomeinequality and the polarization of our region is a complex issue thatcuts across all sectors of our society and was decades in the making

decline of the neighbourhood

hole internal structure of thenation itself depends on the stage of development reached by its productionand its internal and external intercourse.

on the nature of the actual means of subsistence they find in existence and haveto reproduce.

means of subsistence,