26 Matching Annotations
  1. Mar 2021
    1. Of course not. Their immediate reaction was to falsely blame the crisis on wind power, and lash out at advocates of a Green New Deal — even though something like a Green New Deal, that is, public investment in energy infrastructure, is exactly what Texas needs.

      Krugman points out the immediate response of prominent Republicans in Texas to show how they do not care to solve the issue of deregulation for Texans as it will go against the very corporations that support them. By having corporations essentially have control of the government in this regard, Texas will likely not be able to improve their system by having utilities be heavily regulated and publicly owned.

    2. Possibly the most revealing remark of the Texas crisis so far was a tweet by, of all people, Senator Ted Cruz (R-Cancún), who fumed that “no power company should get a windfall because of a natural disaster” and called on “state and local regulators” to “prevent this injustice.”

      Krugman points out the irony of Senator Cruz for calling for regulation of the power grid here by later talking about how he was the one who advocated for a deregulated system so heavily. The fact that even he is now calling for more regulation shows the reader how little control the Texas government has in regards to their utilities.

    3. So does the free market ensure that the whole system works under stress? Probably not.

      Krugman further states his claim here that the free market will not perform basic needs as it will cut into the profit margin for these companies. By having the main goal not be the betterment of people and rather be profit for the company, power utilities will ensure that they do the bare minimum in order to ensure that they are able to make the most money of their customers.

    4. First, electricity is essential to modern life in a way few other commodities can match. Having to go without avocado toast won’t kill you; having to go without electricity, especially when your house relies on it for heat, can.

      Krugman is able to relate the incident with the avocado shortage in California to the power shortage in Texas by making the important distinction that electricity is more important than access to a specific fruit for people. This is primarily why that the power companies in Texas should be scrutinized more as it is essentially impossible to live without power in our current era.

    5. So there should be incentives to invest in robust systems, precisely to take advantage of events like those Texas just experienced.

      Krugman pinpoints how a free market with little regulation can affect the population by using the issues with power companies in Texas charging exorbitant prices. By allowing coporations to have control, the only incentive for these corporations to provide power services would be their profit margin, hence the exorbitantly high prices that were seen for those who had power during the storm as well as those who had power restored early on.

    6. It has, however, pushed deregulation further than anyone else. There is an upper limit on wholesale electricity prices, but it’s stratospherically high. And there is essentially no prudential regulation — no requirements that utilities maintain reserve capacity or invest in things like insulation to limit the effects of extreme weather.

      Krugman emphasizes here how while Texas is not the only state to have a deregulated power grid, it has pushed further than anyone else and thus, landed itself in the mess that occurred the past few weeks with the winter storm. By leaving control of the power grid to corporations, Texas sacrificed any ability to ensure basic necessities, such as winter proofing the grid, at the expense of the people in Texas.

    7. It showed that the entire philosophy behind the state’s energy policy is wrong. And it also showed that the state is run by people who will resort to blatant lies rather than admit their mistakes.

      Krugman states his main point here talking about the Texas power grid being propped up by lies and how the winter storm proved to the public how a deregulated economy can damage everyday people to the point of death.

    8. Nobody is ever fully prepared for natural disaster. When hurricanes, blizzards or tsunamis strike they always reveal weaknesses — failure to plan, failure to invest in precautions.

      Krugman begins his argument by talking about how natural disasters often show how a system is often faulty and must be fixed. This overall statement allows him to narrow his argument to the disaster that was the Texas power grid.

  2. Feb 2021
    1. So it’s OK for Biden to talk with Republicans and hear them out. But should he make any substantive concessions in an attempt to win them over? Should he let negotiations with Republicans delay the passage of his rescue plan? Absolutely not. Just get it done.

      Krugman reiterates his point here in saying that Biden talking to Republicans is not wrong in it of itself, but to compromise with them is not something he should do as it will only hurt the American people and thus, Democrat's electoral chances in 2022 and 2024.

    2. In short, everything about this Republican counteroffer reeks of bad faith — the same kind of bad faith the G.O.P. displayed in 2009 when it tried to block President Barack Obama’s efforts to rescue the economy after the 2008 financial crisis.

      Krugman is referring to how Obama was compromising with the Republicans during the first two years of his first term, leading to Republicans gaining a majority in both the House and Senate for the rest of his time in office, leading to him not being able to pass much legislation that he had promised, simply due to his compromising with Republicans.

    3. Everyone knew that Republicans, who abruptly stopped caring about deficits when Donald Trump took office, would suddenly rediscover the horror of debt under Joe Biden. What even I didn’t expect was to see them complain that Biden’s plan gives too much help to relatively affluent families.

      Krugman is referring to how Republicans, such as Rand Paul of Kentucky, were immediately back to considering the national deficit when talking about Biden's proposal as it is their way of trying to force bipartisanship when it is against majority of America's viewpoint.

    4. Oh, and that tax cut was rammed through in the face of broad public opposition: Only 29 percent of Americans approved of the bill, while 56 percent disapproved. By contrast, the main provisions of the Biden plan are very popular: 79 percent of the public approve of new stimulus checks, and 69 percent approve of both expanded unemployment benefits and aid to state and local governments.

      These approve/disapprove claims show how majority of America does not agree with the Republican efforts to favor the wealthy and the powerful as it does not help those in the middle class whatsoever. Krugman juxtaposes this with the Biden relief plans that are tremendously popular.

    5. First of all, a party doesn’t get to demand bipartisanship when many of its representatives still won’t acknowledge that Biden won legitimately, and even those who eventually acknowledged the Biden victory spent weeks humoring baseless claims of a stolen election.

      Krugman reasserts his claim that Republicans do not want bipartisanship because of how a large majority of them still refuse that Biden was elected lawfully and voted to attempt to disenfranchise states such as Arizona and Pennsylvania on January 6th

    6. Republicans, however, want to rip the guts out of this plan. They are seeking to reduce extra aid to the unemployed and, more important, cut that aid off in June — long before we can possibly get back to full employment. They want to eliminate hundreds of billions in aid to state and local governments. They want to eliminate aid for children. And so on.

      This cutting of the plan grossly undercuts the aid that the American people will be receiving during this time period and thus, Krugman is vehemently against it.

    7. And in the meantime we’re going to have to remain on partial lockdown. It would, for example, be folly to reopen full-scale indoor dining. And the continuing lockdown will impose a lot of financial hardship. Unemployment will remain very high; millions of businesses will struggle to stay afloat; state and local governments, which aren’t allowed to run deficits, will be in dire fiscal straits.

      Krugman is talking about the pandemic's disastrous effects here because of how Republicans were the one's who allowed for the situation to get much worse than it needed to be by not listening to infectious disease experts.

    8. Republicans have forfeited any right to play the bipartisanship card, or even to be afforded any presumption of good faith.

      This refers to how Republicans have used processes such as Budget Reconciliation in the Senate and Executive Orders to push forward their agenda without needing Democratic support in past years.

    9. Republicans, however, want Biden to give in to their wishes in the name of bipartisanship. Should he?No, no, 1.9 trillion times, no.

      Krugman introduces his point about how the Republican economic plan is something Biden should not accept due to its cutting of the core of the Biden package.

    1. t’s time to stop appeasing the fascists among us. Law enforcement should seek to arrest as many of the participants in Wednesday’s attack as possible — some have already been identified, and there’s video evidence that should make it easy to identify many more.And anyone who tries to violently interfere with the transfer of power should also be arrested.

      The author brings up a potential solution that is essentially the opposite of what has been occurring in US polices at the moment. It is important the the solution the author has implemented as what he has stated before with nations past failing to stop fascism will occur again but in the US.

    2. And even if the inauguration goes off smoothly, the threat will remain. If you imagine that the people who stormed the Capitol will just go away once Biden is installed in the White House, you’re delusional.

      The author makes a very key point in referring to the fact that this attitude that was caused by right wing politicians will not go away when Biden becomes the president, as can be seen now with the still strong Trump support. It is important for politicians to fix the root of the issue rather than moving on.

    3. So far, the lesson for Trumpist extremists is that they can engage in violent attacks on the core institutions of American democracy, and face hardly any consequences. Clearly, they view their exploits as a triumph, and will be eager to do more.

      This exact behavior is mirrored when looking at the events pre-WWII. Britain and other Western European nations had let Hitler begin to conquer Europe as a way to ensure that "peace was maintained" but it only gave Hitler more incentive to continue doing what he had been doing, leading to the terror that was Nazi Germany.

    4. What we know suggests that the people who were in charge of protecting Congress failed to do so because they didn’t want to be seen treating the MAGA mob as the danger it was. The Wall Street Journal reported that Defense Department officials worried about the optics of having military personnel on the steps of the Capitol — something that didn’t concern them during the far less threatening Black Lives Matter protests last year.

      The author makes a good point here in referring to how the police in DC had a starkly different response to the attacks on January 6th compared to the Black Lives Matter protest a few months ago. This further develops the argument that the government has been very lax on this recent rise in fascist tendencies in our population.

    5. Many Republicans joined him in trying to reject the will of the voters — almost two-thirds of House Republicans voted against accepting Pennsylvania’s electors after the Trumpist riot.

      It can be argued that this decision was due to the political power that these representatives had to maintain. As can be seen due to the recent impeachment proceedings, those who went against Trump were censored by their own party. The author could've also mentioned this as a response to how the party as a whole was complicit in maintaining their power and that is what lead to this result by House Republicans.

    6. That dress rehearsal for this week’s violence drew some tut-tutting from Republican politicians, but no serious pushback. Indeed, one of the leaders in these events, Meshawn Maddock — who was also involved in Wednesday’s rioting — is in line to become co-chair of the Michigan G.O.P.

      The author connects the riots on January 6th with the recent lockdown protests in Michigan that lead to threats on Michigan officials. This allows for him to show yet another example of how tolerance is not the correct course of action when dealing with fascism.

    7. Susan Collins famously justified her vote by hoping that Trump had “learned his lesson.” What he actually learned was that he could abuse his power with impunity.

      The author makes a key point here regarding how setting the precedent that the former president "will learn from his mistakes" rather than properly punishing him for his actions. By setting this precedent, one is enabling the fascist ideology of Donald Trump to remain acceptable, connecting back to the author's previous point of tolerance being unacceptable.

    8. And if history teaches us one lesson about dealing with fascists, it is the futility of appeasement. Giving in to fascists doesn’t pacify them, it just encourages them to go further.

      This statement relates to the paradox of tolerance, a idea that relates to how tolerance of all ideas can lead to dangerous ones, such as fascist ideology, taking root in a society. The author is able to show how this act taken by nations in the past(one prominent example of this is how western Europe was very tolerant of Hitler in the early years of his reign) has left in serious trouble.

    9. but cynical legislative maneuvers aren’t the same thing as threatening and encouraging violence, and I wouldn’t call McConnell a fascist.

      The author makes a clear distinction between crude legislation tactics that the GOP uses and fascism as it is often used as a gotcha by those on the conservative side of politics whenever people refer to members of the party as fascists.