Surveyors went out beforehand to lay out the site; their base-point was the crossing of the main streets (cardo and decumanus); from this were laid out the rectangular blocks of the main town and sometimes the allotments outside it, called centuriae.7 These were ordinarily units of two hundred jugera, their corners marked by boundary-stones, a number of which survive

Colonies might be of two types, Roman or Latin, according to whether the colonists did or did not possess the rights of Roman citizenship. These rights were not merely abstractions: the protection of Roman law was commercially valuable, and a common coinage was a great con- venience. On the other hand, Latin colonists had political independence, and Roman citizens who joined them were compensated for their loss of citizenship by coming into possession of plots of land outside the walls and probably' houses inside, all built to a pattern like a modern housing developme

Already, Constantine’s architectural patronage of Christianity begins to look less revolutionary and more like the continuation of a trend.

It enjoyed wide- spread support, and not only in the east. A comparison with the record of mili- tary usurpations from 235 to the downfall of Licinius in 324 shows that Con- stantine achieved for the age following him a startling improvement in internal stability. Not surprisingly, however, he did not attain perfection.

Constantine's establishment of a capital at By- zantium in 330 had not been meant to divide the empire into two parts. At its origin, Constantinople had been a new Rome, ruling a united realm as Rome had once done. The new Rome, like the old, was located in Europe, and it was designed to be the seat of one dynasty

Under Augustus the number of vessels leaving Egyptian ports quickly increased.I Strabo records that when he was in Egypt (about 25-19 B.c.) one hundred and twenty ships a year were leaving Myos Hormos for India, as compared with the twenty which left under the Ptolemi

This much Augustus was able to do in Egypt. The speed with which these measures were taken (Strabo's information was collected probably no later than 19 B.C.) shows how sudden was the expansion in the eastern trade under the newly constituted Empire, and also incidentally shows how quickly Augustus could act, at least in his own prov

Although Augustus may not have been aware of the ultimate con- sequences, he was not blind to the more immediate advantages of the oriental commerce. Since one result of a booming trade was evidently to be a great increase in the taxable wealth of the eastern provi

However, the establishment under Augustus of peace and stable rule throughout the Mediterranean rapidly altered the situation. For the first time the lands from Spain to Syria were organized to form an economic unity in which the necessities of life became readily obtain- able, and the wealth previously expended in war was now available for more peaceful use

Nero must have been so popular with the Greeks, because of his open and sincere admiration for their great achievements, for their art and drama and athletic contests, and for their sensitive tast

Nero himself (whatever others might think) took both his art and his voice seriousl

uch training Nero was prepared to undergo, and apparently he persevered with it throughout his life: as a young man he spent many hours watching the leading harpist of the age, Terpnos, with close and admiring attention (Nero 20); he went through a regular course of chest-strengthening exercises, as modern singers do, e.g. lying on his back with a heavy sheet of lead laid on his chest, and he followed scrupulously the dieting and purging that instructors recommended

The vox fusca, according to Quintilian (XI, 3, I7I), was best adapted to conveying emotional or pitiful or dramatic situations, and it was precisely these in which Nero most delighte

Augustus resigned his consulship, and to prove his good republican principles, filled its remaining term by L. Sestius, an open admirer of Brutus, who had fought on his side in the Civil Wars. To compensate for the abandonment of the consulate the Senate voted him TrlTv #pX)v TTIV cV0UTraTOV EcaEi KCa0aeCTraT EXEiV, COCYTE pTE ?V Tj Eiiyo&b T~ ElCYCk) TOU TrrCA)1Ipiou KaTaTiLEaOa-l a'VTT9V P1TT aviis a&VaVEoUv-eQl, Kal EV T7 UVTrTKOCk TO Tr?7EloV TCOV Kao-Taxo6l apX6vTcov iaXVEiv,. Dio is wrong if he meant that the Senate gave Augustus an imperiuin: he had already had it as proconsul of his province

it was a not unnatural privilege for the magistrate who was to control most of the frontiers for the next ten years ; it also incidentally gave Augustus control over the numerous and powerful kings of the Empire

n 27 B.C., having purged the Senate, Imperator Caesar restored the Republic with a great flourish of trumpets and was rewarded with the cognomen of Augustus by the grateful Senate

The aqueduct, which started from a spring at the village of Driza, on the southeast slope of Zireia and at an altitude of ca. 620 m, crossed the north- ern part of Lake Stymphalos and came out at the Skoteini valley through a tunnel piercing the northern side of Mount Apelauros. A second tunnel, opened at the ridge of the hills of Tsoukana and Alonaki, allowed the aqueduct to continue its course through the village of Platani and, from there, run along the flank of Pharmakas to reach the village of Gymno. From there, it continued its southeastern course, skirting Megalobouni and then, traveling in a northeasterly direction, reached Mount Stroggylo and passed just southeast of Ancient Nemea in order to continue in an easterly direction

These are the only explicit references made by ancient writers to a Roman aqueduct in the Greek peninsula; not surprisingly, then, in studies relevant to imperial building activity in Greece, the Hadrianic aqueduct is always mentioned.2 Pausanias' information, however, is limited to a simple mention of the work and its initiator, with nothing said concerning, for instance, its position, its constituent parts, its precise date, or how long it took to build.

argued that coin was used for transactions throughout the Roman Empire.22 Egypt was fully monetized, and he asserted that records of transactions in other distant areas showed them to involve money rather than barter. Even in the countryside, people carried coin while travelling. It seems obvious that they carried coin in anticipation of spending their money buying goods and services in market exchanges.

The abundant evidence of Roman coinage testifies to the common use of coins as a means of payment. The issue here is not the size of the money supply - a contentious issue - but rather whether it makes sense to speak of a money supply at all. Howgego

Literary evidence does not suggest a focus on economic affairs in ancient Rome, but then it does not have this focus today

s. But does this imply that the controlling element here was popular decision-making? That it really was the voters who decided that new families should be brought in at regular intervals, and who carried that decision into effect by their votes, even against the wishes of the currently dominant familie

was the apparent battle just a meaningless side-effect of a fixed system of authority vested in the ruling elite?

Roman political life of the various voting-assemblies (the comitia tributa and centuriata). Unquestionably, they held important constitutional powers, at least in theor

here meaning the extended family under the paterfamilias as found in the legal sources

the Romans had no term equivalent to 'family' in the modern sense, that is, the father-mother-children triad of the 'nuclear family'. The English word 'family' has almost no relation to Roman concepts of familia and domus. As Saller explains, 'Domus was used with regard to household and kinship to mean the physical house, the household including family and slaves, the broad kinship group including agnates and cognates, ancestors and descendants, and the patrimony'.2 The Latin familia, while usually narrower in reference than domus, also had little relation to anything meant by the English 'family'. Familia was both broader than 'family', in that it included reference to slaves, and sometimes narrower, in that it might be used with marked exclusion of the free members of the household: 'While familia is frequently used for the group of slaves under a dominus, to the exclusion of the free members of the household

A remarkable new consensus, recognized even by its critics, has emerged among classical historians that 'the normal Roman family seems to have been a "nuclear family" like our own'.1

For Rome and Italy this plausibility is lacking. The aforementioned centralizing rituals might further the idea of such a “pantheon” – technically, by theway, a term to denote the exceptional case of a temple owned by “all the gods.” Incontrast to the frequently used term di immortales, designating the gods as an unstruc-tured ensemble, the circus processions would present a definite number of gods.

Roman religion did not grow out of nothing. Italy, above all in its coastal regions,was already party to a long-distance cultural exchange in the Mediterranean basin ina prehistoric phase. The groups that were to grow into the urbanization of the Romanhills did not need to invent religion. Religious signs and practices were present fromthe ancient Near East, via Phoenician culture, at least indirectly via Carthage, andvia Greece and the Etruscans.

The point may be illustrated by two of the commonest categories of inscriptions, votive altars and epitaphs. Votive inscriptions are commonly very short, consisting of little more than the name of the god, the name of the dedicator and a formula such as VSLM 'she/he fulfilled the vow willingly to the god who deserved it'.

Not all Roman monuments were inscribed, and even on those that were writing did not always play a prominent role. Perhaps most Roman inscriptions used images and words together to convey a meaning that was both fuller and less ambiguous.

Although Hellenistes was a term known to antiquity, "Hellenistic period" is a modern term.6 In history, as in art history, it is often understood to en- compass the time between the death of Alexander the Great (323 B.C.) and the Battle of Actium (31 B.C.). Ancient art critics of the first century B.C. and first century A.D. held a somewhat different view. They followed a Class- icistic theory in which the sculptor Lysippos, the painter Apelles, and their students were still accounted exemplary and (in our sense) "Classic." Pliny's famous statement, inde cessavit ars, implies that the era between 296-293 and 156-153 B.C., the very period which modern art critics regard as the height of Hellenistic art, was a de

ergamon is the only major artistic center of which we have some coh

HERE is much we do not know about Hellenistic art. Pergamon is the only major artistic center of which we have some coherent evidence. Few great original works of sculpture have survived, and the loss of Hellenistic painting is apparently well-nigh irreparable. Furthermore, the leading achievements of Hellenistic art were concentrated in a few areas and were accomplished by a limited number of

Vergil's decision to drag Evander out of obscurity and introduce him as founder of proto-Rome and Aeneas' mentor all the same while highlighting his Hellenic origin remains still an issue insufficiendy add

e, Vergil's Roman prehistory centers on the presence of Evander. An involuntary exile from the East (Greek Arcadia) who setded in Larium and instilled civilization and laws among

he very date of the foundation of Rome remained long uncertain. Timaeus put it in 8I4 B.C. and made it contemporary with the foundation of its rival, Carthage; Fabius Pictor chose 748, Cincius Alimentus 728

(i) a pontifical chronicle (Annales maximi) which apparently concentrated on events with religious implications (such as famines and eclipses) ; (2) popular traditions and traditions of individual aristocratic families and religious corporations (fratres arvales): 6 these traditions were supported by inscriptions, written funeral speeches, data of the census (banquet songs existed but do not seem to have played an important part in transmitting historical facts) ; (3) official lists of magistrates which certainly existed from about 5

Let me summarize the situation about our literary sources on Early Rome. The first Roman historians (Q. Fabius Pictor, Cincius Alimentus) lived in the third century B.C. and wrote in Greek. Later in the second and first centuries B.C. (beginning with M. Porcius Cato the Censor) there developed a historiography in Latin

Thematically, black-figure vases with prothesis scenes are the direct descendants of the big Geometric kraters and amphoras of the time of Homer, which in turn, albeit in a highly schematic and unembel- lished style, reflect the central event of a Homeric hero's funeral, the lamentation over the corpse. In

either on a rectangular pinax, probably affixed to the outside of the tomb,8 or on a loutrophoros used to carry water for bathing the dead and then to mark the t

The lamentation for the dead is the only subject that occurs on Athenian vases in an unbroken series from Late Geometric of the mid-eighth century to late red-figure of the Peloponnesian War years. De- spite many ceramic and artistic c

Moreover, in listing the three kinds of proofs that can be used in argument, he asserted that the moral character of a speaker (lOoq), as displayed in his oration, "has more weight than almost anything else

eople also congregated to exchange information and to gossip in central public areas, for example, in the agora, in workshops, and in small retail establish- ment

For the deme was self-governing and small in size, with, according to Osborne himself (44), an average population of 120 adult males. Here, in these small, autonomous units, both villages and urban districts, is the analogue of the anthropologist's community. In them as well, community spirit was often strong, since "demesmen felt there was a special tie between them" (Osborne 42; cf. Whitehead 230-234). David Whitehead has examined this tie and concluded that "most of the members of even the largest demes must have known each other by sight or by name or both

sier:8 afterwards nomoi could be enacted at any time in the year; there was less care to eliminate conflicting laws and to ensure publicity; and the nomothetae no longer had to be jurors

he sixth and fifth centuries were allowed to accumulate in a haphazard way, with no attempt at coordin

and Argos already concluded. Alcibiades demanded the resumption of the war on the ground that a truce could only be made with the assent of all the allies, none of whom had been consulted. Yet if Argos alone was officially at war with Sparta how could thi

I,ooo hoplites and some horse. These arrived to find the four-month truce between Agis

When Epidaurus, a member of the Peloponnesian League, was attacked by Argos Sparta seems to

If this principle is sound then it could surely be held that Sparta had already entered into a state of war with Athens as a result of Athens' alliance with her ene

. In any case the important point is that it showed that the Spartans were not openly seeking to insult and humiliate the Athenians and that they felt it necessary to try to smooth matters ov

Thucydides is perfectly clear about Athenian actions. They renounced their old alliance with Sparta which dated from the Persian Wars and they concluded a full alliance (avtkjkax1a) with the Argives who were Sparta's enemies (roA4L/tot) and w

When the actual fighting began, the unity of command had to somehow take effect within the ranks of his individual soldiers.

Since no detailed maps or charts of Greece were at his disposal, xerxes also lacked the local knowledge that native Greeks possessed, which put him and his forces at an even greater disadvantage.

Even though the Persians came from a mountainous region, they could have hardly prepared themselves for the type of terrain they would encounter upon entering Greece. Even for a light infantry soldier, the ruggedness of the Greek country and hillside, coupled with sharp rocks and thorny vegetation along the way, made for a tedious and severe journey.

In the first place, the terrain of Greece itself hindered the Persians from gaining immediate victory at Thermopylae and conquering all of Greece.

It is understandable why the Athenians remained in place ready for battle each day during the delay. They were in an excellent defensive position, and from that position they checked the options for action available to the Pers

e, lamely suggests that Datis did not try either to confront the Greeks or even to harass them with his cavalry. The usual explanation is that Datis was hoping for a political uprising in the city which would undercut the army at Marathon. In the end he had to fight or risk the arrival of the Spar

. After the failure of Mardonios' expedition Dareios sent heralds to Greece requesting earth and water, the tokens of submission to Persia

Herodotus alleges that immediately after the suppression of the Ionian revolt the Persian king Dareios matured plans to punish Eretria and Athens for their part in the uprising of the lonians

The vaulted tombs of Crete, which Evans derives from Libyan prototypes, were the p ro ­perty o f a whole village d a n , and were used as places o f col­lective burial over a long period o f time.

hyta (ritual vases fo r pouring libations) and other w orks o f a rt typical of the Neo - palatial period, as gifts from Crete, decorate the tom bs o f digni­taries o f the same dynasty.

certain Mycenaean swordswere produced whose blades display morphological influences of the Naue II type and were thus adaptedto the fighting style with slashing and cutting movements, which now dominated the Aegean

in the Aegean the earliest artefacts, whichrepresent types of the metallurgical koiné, are a pair of ivory hiltplates for a Naue II sword and a mould for a winged axe, bothfound at Mycenae

Prices

4Impersonal. One buys and sells to everybody.

2Competition. Many buyers and many sellers