ape (or allegations of rape) became increasingly entangled in survival strategies, and in which women were encouraged to represent themselves as survivors of rape in order to establish themselves as legitimate recipients of humanitarian aid

"victim-appropriation" to access donor funding, which led to women representing themselves as rape survivors to receive aid.

It also highlights the importance of linking research on MSV to broader conversations on rape culture and gender-based violence, as MSV has been largely left out of international discussions and academic work on sexual violence and rape culture.

he analysis reveals that media coverage is dominated by five themes: military justice, institutional structure, culture, gender/gender integration, and change. Gender is a relatively minor focus throughout media coverage, with attention to court cases dominating the majority of the coverage.

Military exceptionalism is shaped by ideals of "good militaries" and "good soldiers," which are constructed as necessarily white, masculine, exclusive, and reproduced through the regulation of sex and the exclusion of women and racialized groups.

the book unite with a singular message of justified inaction, which helps answer the core question of how the public comes to normalize, accept, and diminish the problem of MSV.

edia coverage of MSV is shaped by gender bias and "rape myths," which are prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists.

patriarchal confusion to challenge and transform military cultures, and that looking for sites of patriarchal confusion can be a productive way to respond to the challenge of promoting diversity and inclusion in the military. The study suggests that patriarchal confusion can be exploited as a strategy for disrupting and challenging contemporary patriarchy, which has practical implications for feminist politics.

where gender fails, feminists can demonstrate the radically contingent nature of patriarchy and open up possibilities to exploit this failure and engender patriarchal confusion.

whiteness operates as a dominant ideology,

The opposition of suburban whites to the welfare state (“entitlements”), beginning with the 1970s tax revolts (Burton rails at having to pay high school taxes and then see his son be forced to go to school in the inner city, and against “welfare freeloaders”), only intensified as the “hard-working” (white) “common man” in his orderly suburban family saw the New Deal dream evaporate. Burton declared in 1974: “I wanted to be somebody”, and in the economic environment symbolized by the oil price shock of that year, his identity became more and more at odds with the desire of the excluded in US society to also “be somebody”. By 1976, Burton had abandoned the Democratic party and the New Deal ethos, seeing in Ronald Reagan someone who could “deliver the nation out of its malaise”, with a reprise of Wallace’s “freshness, independence, backbone and scrappy spirit”. This is not a new story. It is rather a reflection of US history as a whole, where a frontier-spirit, classless liberalism is organically bound up with anti-democratic exclusion and an ethic of private responsibility. It is but one facet of American racialized, gendered neoliberalism.

the intellectual effectiveness exercised today by a given human