Political dispositions—espe-cially party—moderate its uptake as do contextualfactors outside movement control.

By changing norms and affecting how people thinkabout teaching children, social movements may yieldlong-term attitudinal changes in the future public

Our measures in con-trast capture behaviors: consumption patterns and col-lective action choices that we corroborate with othertypes of data

Ourresults suggest both that movement concepts are storedin long-term memory and that the politics of socializingchildren is a topic even those without young childrencare about

the public, and not justparents, has a stake in crafting the nation’s futurethrough the socialization of children

Whilethese estimates are imprecise due to small sample size,it appears Democrats are moved to support curricularmaterials focused on issues of racism and discrimina-tion when primed with BLM, while Republicans andindependents are not

Republicans

We expectthat compared to the control, priming BLM shouldmatter only among Democrats

We test whether exposure to a mere mentionof BLM increases selection of The Hate U Give(1) relative to the other three books (0)

how did white Americansthink about exposing kids to progressive race conceptsrelated to the police, discrimination, and white privi-lege in public schools?

Peaceful protests mayhave opened opportunities for our white parent sampleto include their children in movement politics andincreased the likelihood they would do so for thefirst time.

The propor-tion of peaceful protests has no relationship to in-homeactivities—but it is positively associated with engagingin public-facing actions

then, parents whose workforce hoursdecreased during the pandemic—and presumably,whose caregiving hours increased—were more likelyto engage in progressive race-related parenting thanthose with consistent employmen

For each respondent, we create a variable—pro-portion peaceful protest—indicating the share of BLMprotest events defined as peaceful within 25 miles oftheir zip code between May 25, 2020, and our surveyfielding.

I Am Enough, a bookfeaturing themes of diversity, moved up in its rankingby four spots and remained a bestseller for 18 weeks

31% of our sample are first-timers:they report engaging in one of these race-focusedactivities for the first time during this period

These actions arethose that are publicly observable outside the home andmost require resources or opportunities coordinatedwith others

ompleted this action prior to May2020.

differences in how social-izing agents’ engaged with children

alking about race with children is normativelygood

They pro-vide tips about books to buy, television shows to watch,and ways to start and lead conversations with childrento shape their racial attitudes.

but this content was alsodisproportionately progressive in valence.

Conservative content was again absent from the random sampleused to assess interrater reliability. Few posts in the data receivedthis mark

progressive or conservative theme

These considerations may shapefuture behavior for some people persistently, and forothers when reminded

In the short term, thediscussion may have altered child-rearing behaviorsand practices.

it decreased to 681

shows that following Floyd’s murder onMay 25, posts on these topics increased dramatically

We analyze postsfrom public parenting pages on Facebook, usingCrowdTangle Team

#blacklivesmatter, #black-menmatter, #blackwomenmatter, “black lives matter,” black, Afri-can American, racist, racial, race, racism, march, boycott, riot,protest, diversity, privilege, implicit bias, white, minority, discrimina-tion, “of color,” police, policing, “all lives matter,” and justice

Democrats or spending unusualamounts of time with their underage children canrespond by taking actions at home directly with theirfamilies.

First, we should observe increased attention torhetoric on race and child-rearing. On social media sites,this may look like new frames, tools, and tips for action.

through school curricula and policychange.

on-white familiesmore often discuss race as they respond to discrimina-tion and construct resistant, positive racial identities

, and saw parents andchildren spending unusually large amounts of timetogether

stickiness of policy change and the ways symbolic atti-tudes develop early in life and persist

while the practicesthey use to transmit political values to their children, ortheir priorities in this process, evolve in response to thepolitical environment.

or create new opportunities for children toengage

issues like race, gender, and sexuality provide anexample.

socializationpriorities may reflect ambitious political goals

providepolitical information that children can use as a startingpoint when they formulate their own politicalidentities

intergroup attitudes

argue that successful governancestarts with raising children to be the right kind ofcitizens with values and behaviors consistent with thenation’s goals.

thatchild-rearing is a political battleground

Social movements, whichdisrupt agendas and challenge social norms, may beparticularly important for changing white race sociali-zation practices

might influence adults’ socialization prior-ities and practices.

prioritized new forms of race socialization

We argue socialization is itself political with adults changing their socializationpriorities in response to salient political events including social movements

Yet without any need for ad hockeries or “adjustment”of assumptions, the simplest possible Bayesian models generate strong, nonob-vious, but well-verified logical implications across the entire field of votingbehavior, including the study of socialization. How can this be so?

more likely to share their parents’ PID than are the children of less close relation-ships who are similarly placed in the social structure

Indeed, most well-loved chil-dren of attorneys are not attorneys.

Some parent–child pairs love each other deeply, most care a great deal abouteach other, and a few are oil and water, but in all these cases it is rare forthere to be much impact on the child’s choice of occupation or lifestyle.

Large party benefits at a given time period have effects that aretransmitted across generations but die out over time

All else equal, greater social mobility (an attentuated main diagonal ele-ment in R) induces more centrist (Independent) PIDs among young voters

All else equal, the more limited or more erratic the political experi-ence of the parental generation (smaller λ), the more centrist (Independent) theinitial PIDs of young voters will be.

New voters with more labile parents have more labile PIDs

New voters’ current PIDs are initially more labile (higher subjectivevariance of estimate) than their parents

The Proposition implies that among these idealized young vot-ers just at the exact moment before they begin to learn on their own, somemight be Independents,

New voters’ current PIDs are initially positively correlated with thatof their parents but more centrist

The parents’ current estimate of their mean benefits (their current PID)may be written as

Concretely, they know only that if their parentsdisliked Republicans, then it is likely, but not certain, that their experience inadulthood with the GOP will be negative, too.

mean experience with the parties is linearlyrelated to their social position

he first part is her expected benefit stream due to her partial inheri-tance of the social position of her parents and thus her correlation with theparty benefits

ill often occupy similar positions in the socialstructure, and thus parental experience is likely to be relevant to the child’sfuture adult life

For example, it follows from the assumptions that partisanswill be better informed than Independents, that successful incumbents willdisproportionately attract young voters to their party, and that voters withintermediate amounts of information will be the most likely to defect fromtheir party identification

only the difference betweenthe two offered streams matters to the vote choice

Voters choose a party or candidatewhen they believe that its future course of benefits exceeds that of the otheralternatives

unabashedly individual-istic, and the logic is strictly instrumental

Parents are rarely able to influence their teenagechildren’s hairdos, clothing styles, tastes in popular music, or even more im-portant decisions such as the choice of a life partner.

So far as contempo-rary scholarship can determine, if Hitler matters, then so does the study ofpartisan socialization.

Longstanding party attachments inoculate citizens against overnightnew party movements, some of which may harbor potential totalitarians

Partisanship remains the central factor inexplaining not just how people vote, but also how they see the political world

tendency of partisan alignments to decay.

intergenerational transmissionof party identification

s testament to the power of community-spiritedness anda willingness to identify with the entire region

These localities would retain many of the functions enjoyed to-day, including education, police and fire protection, limited zoningpowers, libraries, and community services. They could elect councilmembers and administrators, but their boundaries would be subject toperiodic reconfiguration

is their limited capacity to achieve major publicworks

New Rochelle con-tinues to maintain a broad mix of racial and economic groups

Although it is unclear whether such places have morecivic capacity than other types of communities (such questions await ex-ploration in future research), some limited anecdotal evidence suggeststhat they might

The best way torevitalize suburban civic life is to promote greater racial and economicintegration.

it is unreason-able to expect that in today’s metropolitan areas, economic and racialdiversity could be maintained in communities under 50,000 in size.

i.e., local governments needto be forced to work in concert rather than in opposition

local governments need to be small

particularly among whitesand the affluent seeking to protect their racial and economic privileges

If we want to address the problems of democracy insuburbia, we need to rearrange the configuration of local governments inmetropolitan areas.

between the neighboring towns rather thanamong citizens

too often shield residents from the conflicts and problemsthat exist within their greater metropolitan community

Municipalities with larger popula-tions lose vital civic capacity as residents tune out local politics; thesmaller the local unit, the more citizens are involved in community af-fairs

ocalities with a weak civic capacity have lesscapability of making local government responsive and fewer options foraddressing social problems; consequently, they will be subject to greatersocial tension.

Localities with greater civic capacity have greater resources available toidentify social problems, develop governmental solutions if possible, andcraft alternatives if public efforts cannot be mustered.

so a social order benefits from its unpaid civic sector.

replete

However,in communities with greater civic capacity, citizens can be more easilyorganized and mobilized.

Bypreventing municipal institutions from addressing such conflicts, politicalfragmentation undermines the much-lauded role of America’s localities asarenas for democratic governance

any issue involving the redistribution of wealth to groupswith less revenue-producing capability will not be advanced by a locality

lso limits effectivecitizen participation in the decision-making process

by their very nature, are not suitable forlocal resolution

using local institutionsto limit the scope of conflict in metropolitan areas.

Any change in the number of participants,Schattschneider argues, changes the results.

particularly nonpartisan types of civic engagement such as workingwith neighbors or joining organizations.

inevitable conflict that arises from social interaction

roblem of intramunicipal discrepancies in thedistribution of public resources, and in its conceptions of democratic citi-zens.

Civic withdrawal insegregated suburbs may not only lead to a narrow vision of self amongcitizens; it may also preempt the opportunity for learning essential demo-cratic skills and a broader understanding of community.

find that neitheris antecedent to the other.

political participationcorresponds to higher trust, but more trusting people are also more likelyto be politically active, although campaign work seems to increase levelsof trust more than vice versa

The social segregation of suburbs is not only harmful todemocratic practice but impoverishing of the human spirit.

the social resources and links to other people that facilitate the achieve-ment of goals.

he in the end acquires a habit and taste forserving them.

changed what citizens consider to be in their “interest.”

because it alters their conceptions of themselves and their rela-tionship to society.

but an existential activity with tran-scendent potentiality.

the civil societyperspective views citizen participation as not simply important for demo-cratic organization but essential for realizing one’s humanity.

interdependent

The ordering of these competing preferences depends upon how Irealize myself at any particular moment, an understanding that is pro-foundly shaped by my institutional and social circumstances.

who is fully formedbefore the confrontation begins.

derive theirincome and other services from the remainder of the metropolis

divorce themselves from the greater community with whichthey interact

only to highlight the antidemocratic character of suburban institu-tional arrangements

although citiesdid at one time have such a character

not all citizens are equally mobile

the multi-faceted and inherently social condition of human existence

not from democratic actionbut from the potential mobility of revenue-producing citizens.

they can simply“vote with their feet” and move to another jurisdiction

citizens have replaced old-fashioned political ac-tion with modern consumer behavior.

These models startwith the Hobbesian-like premise that individuals in a political system areisolated and autonomous, with the added condition that all individualsare motivated to act in ways that maximize the utility of their actions.

If all people in a society think alike, then anyone member can speak for the group.

also varies with the diver-sity of opinion in a polity.

create a protected sphere enabling indi-viduals to pursue their own goals in relative isolation.

civil society and social capital arguments

Similarly, if a person shares a politywith people who have an identical set of preferences, then the necessityof mass participation is quite low, as any one voter can articulate theviews of many.

Ifrepresentatives are adequately representing the aggregate of citizen inter-ests, then the level of citizen participation either necessary or possible inthe governing process is fairly low

that higher participation levels are an unquestionedbenefit for a democracy because they correspond to more authentic, rep-resentative, and fair governing processes

are nec-essarily harmful for American democracy

the content of political life

institu-tionalizing of social differences among residents of a common metro-politan area

who par-ticipates?

Most important, the findings highlight the often over-looked role of social contexts and institutions in civic life

suburbanization alsoeliminates many of the incentives that draw citizens into the publicrealm.

the civic benefits of smaller size are undermined.

The suburb superficially restores thedream of Jeffersonian democracy

not surprisingly, arequick to draw on negative clich ́es.

decry the isolating, banal, andoverly privatized quality of suburban areas

Their soulless, anticivic,and anticommunity designs are putatively fostering an alienation thatthreatens the fabric of American social life

In this view, the emptiness ofLittleton’s soul was caused by the emptiness of its landscape

city

re approximately 5 percent lesslikely to contact officials, work informally with their neighbors, and votefrequently in local elections

Although people in the least residential cities exhibit slightly lower ratesof contacting and meeting, they are just as likely to work informally andvote in local elections

and thecommunity is deprived of the human capital needed to sustain a widerange of organizational choices

None of the characteristics of residen-tially predominant cities has any effect on civic participation once individ-ual traits are considered

high participatory norms

Without the pressures of real estate developers,bedroom suburbs may have few issues on the municipal agenda thatcause much controversy.

For example,some scholars conjecture that necessary commuting deprives bedroomsuburbanites of time and resources available for social interaction andcivic work.

in reality those of indi-vidual class and age

According to this viewpoint, social behavior derives mostly fromthe individual characteristics of the bedroom suburbanite rather thanfrom anything endemic to the bedroom suburb

greater percentage of people with financial investments in their localityand, given the property-centered nature of local politics, will be moreinterested in the affairs of city hall.

Municipalities with many homeowners are places where more res-idents are invested in their communities: socially, financially, and histori-cally

stimulate civic involvement.

Smaller places, with a smaller retail market and limitedlabor pool, will have a harder time sustaining work sites

Average Percentages of Commuters, Families, and Homeowners by City Siz

but what type of use- or exchange-value they desire from their property and whether there are groups withlarge financial investments seeking to manipulate local politics, often atthe expense of neighborhood quality of life.

such as the prevalence ofgarage facades or the absence of public spaces, are typically accused ofalienating the citizenry.

the absence of work sites

inhibits spontaneous social contact and citizen involvement in lo-cal politics

made residents more engaged incommunity affairs

then growth-oriented interests are necessarily excludedfrom city politics

often in response to threats totheir quality of life

has been the primary catalyst of metropolitan growth.

continued to be nestled close to industrial areas. It was onlywith the advent of the streetcar and the automobile that the proximitybetween work and home began to widen and an entirely new type ofplace arose, the bedroom suburb

thereby limited in the powers theycan wield

Yonkers, Mount Vernon, and Port Chester,which are seeking jobs and economic growth.

he type of place typically equated with politicalcontroversy

de-pends upon active citizens and municipal cohesion

suburbanization offers great promise for nur-turing America’s civic health

In general, Ifind few effects of institutions on any civic acts outside of voting

it is not a crucialfactor in shaping the civic actions of the mass public

edroom suburbs,” zoningcodes bar most nonresidential development and restrict the range of localpolitical conflic

By separating racialgroups along municipal boundaries, suburbanization stifles debatearound racial issues, effectively demobilizing citizens from public life.

People of all races in predominantly white communities are muchless likely to work with neighbors, contact officials, or lobby community

The first part of the chapter explores how suburbanization hascontributed to municipal economic differentiation

The Citizen ParticipationStudy is a large-scale, two-stage survey of a random sample of Americansconducted in 1989 and 1990.

less likely to have politicalcontroversies but may have stronger ties between neighbors

In some places, peopleare more familiar with their neighbors or host more local events; in otherplaces, people hardly know their fellow townsfolk. Where such people aresocially familiar, neighbors are more likely to talk about politics and re-cruit others for local activities.

we need to first determine why they are more interested in publicaffairs, how they acquire civic skills and resources, or why they are morelikely to be mobilized for political action.

interest

mobiliza-tion.

determinants

not take the social or political environment of therespondent into account

and that these increased opportunitiesstimulate citizen involvement

these behaviors outline the contours ofthis slippery and problematic term—“community

Using anysingle act as a measure, we may misrepresent the whole of suburbancivic life.

somehow lesscommitted to the localities and less interactive with their neighbors

In places with aricher associational life, citizens will be able to link more easily with theirneighbors, will be informed about local issues, and will express theiropinions to local institutions

According to manythinkers, the political norms and networks of reciprocity that citizens de-velop in voluntary organizations are vital for maintaining the health ofdemocracy.

Participating in voluntary organizations

Attending community board meetings

voters rarely determine specific policies and are usually justelecting representatives

Voting is also thekey mechanism for controlling political leaders, with the reelection man-date ensuring some responsiveness to citizen concerns. Thus the simplestand crudest way of gauging a polity’s democratic performance is to seewhether or not its citizens are voting.

they must regularlyarticulate their preferences to others and their political institutions

is maximizing the input of the citi-zenry.

the publicchoice model is not well suited for evaluating the democratic implicationsof suburbanization