they communicated throughunauthorized channels, exploited vulnerabilities in shared infrastructure, gained internetaccess, and accessed third-party systems.

cures for diseases, long life spans, unlimited wealth, the end of work, etc. “The analogy that Iwould give is to retirement,” he told me. “If we successfully build superintelligence and it goes well, then it’llbe kind of like humanity itself is now the elderly retired part of the family.”

We need a global monitoring bodysimilar to what we have for uranium enrichment.

switch

“This A.I. model wasn’t even trying to be malicious,” Mr. Lieu said. “The model was just trying to complete atask. And that is one of the problems with A.I. models: They are relentless at what they’re trying to do.”

“Insofar as something scary or problematic was happening, anyone could sortof point it out and start a conversation about it online.”

Mr. Kokotajloestimates the odds of a globally catastrophic A.I. outcome are around 70 percent and told me he wasn’tbothering to save for his retirement

We need A.I. cops.

Chloé Bakalar, OpenAI’s head of ethics, left the company less than a year after joining,and Dylan Scandinaro is no longer in his role as OpenAI’s head of preparedness

We found that GPT-5.6 Sol would often uncritically adopt the perspective of the agent in thetranscript it was reviewing, and we are concerned that the anecdotes it selected and the summaries it wrotemay present an overly charitable picture,”

. “We need a formal incident-reporting obligation, right?” he said. “Youhave to, like, actually share the information with the government.”

said

Take an air crash investigator approach.

It would be ugly.

I personally think it is >10% within the next decade.

begging

for the U.S. government to please come and regulate them as soon as possible. We havenever seen anything like it.

Even

the ability of these A.I.s will continue to increase,which has Ms. Cotra worried about human disempowerment and perhaps even a total loss of control

ood suffrage, perhapsmost telling observation is that the western or frontier states, togethehighly rural northern ones, were the fi

evolved, as it became ever more difficult flators or delegates to constitutional conventions to resist the prebroaden acc

Vigorous political struggles were necessary to do away with por tax-based qualifications in the majority of the

pecuniary

opulation. But they remained comfosupporting the exclusion of groups that were, in their view, obvdistinctive and unsuitable for participating in community decblacks, women, children, Native Americans, the mentally incompthose with criminal records, and those (immigrants as well asborn) who had not long been resident in the co

s, the greater equality in the new states may have made itficult to sustain a case for discriminating among otherwise ratlar individuals on the basis of wealth or ec

ally, was led by new states

tionary era. Most movethe direction of expanding the franchise somewhat, such as by ping for alternative ways of meeting standards for property holdadopting differential requirements for elections

ny of the vigorous debates afteRevolution about the organization of state

person th

e effective elites in any society wer

t the exceptional differences in thedegree of inequality across the societies of the Americas, rooted in theirrespective factor endowments and evident during the colonial era, cameto be reflected in the institutions that evolved. In o

reme inequality in wealthand human capital came to characterize much of Spanish America aswell.

ts for growth. Another, moreoutlook, however, is that a broad distribution of political influters higher investments in schooling, infrastructure, and othgoods and services conducive to long-run

revenues, frontier societies were inadopt institutions congenial to

ed that the franchise was extended whewere threats to the basic social orde

y many have fought and died over both the design of the ruthe outcomes of elec

. Polities with labor scarcity and greater equality gener-ally led in broadening the franchise and attaining high rates of participation inelections

The stubborn AmgiUcan 'Environme nt is'tliere AyfOTits imperiottUsuinmons to accept jits coiTditions; the inherited Avavs of doing thines are also thei'e

The East has always feared the result of an unregulatedadvance of the frontier, and has tried to check and guide it.

This gives him hone and muscle, sir, and preserves hisrepublican principles juire and uncontaminared.

preponderance

It was westernXew York that forced an e.xtension of suffrage in the constitu-tional convention of that State in 1821; and it was westernVirginia that compelled the tide-water region to put a moreliberal suffrage provision in the constitution framed in 1830

tvhere individual liberty was sometimes confusedwith absence of all effective government.

Middle region mediated betweenEast and "West as well as between Vorth and South. Thus itbecame the typically American region.

which later came to si)readits industrial type thioughout the South

The pioneer needed the goods ofthe coast, and so the grand series of internal improvement andrailroad legislation began, Avith poteut nationalizing effects.Over internal improvements occurred great debates, in which ;gruA’e constitutional questions were discussed.

rivalry

In the South there was et^en adei)endence on the Northern colonies for articles of food.

Aniericanizeir. IdTcu-atecTTlin^^ into a mixed race,JAiiglish in neither nationality or chai'acteris tics.

composite nationality

we may next inquire what were the influenceson the East and on the Old World.

The Westand the East began to g’et out of touch of each other.

Government mili-tary and exploring expeditions in determining the lines of set-tlement.

Indian

AVhen the trappers scaled the Bockies, the farmer was stillnear the month of the Missouri.

the evolution of each into a higherstage lias worked political transformations.

experimentations

And the settlement of these andsimilar (piestions for one frontier served as a guide for the ue.xt.

Hardly is a new State or Territory formedbefore the same principle manifests itself again- and gives j*iseto a further emigration; and so is it destined to go on until aphysical barrier must finally obstruct its pi'Ogress.”

Florida also furnished frontier conditions.The Mississippi River region was the scene of typical frontiersettlements.

And to study this advance, the men whogfStV Up iTuder” these conditions, and the i)oliticaI, economic,and social results of it,is to study the really American partof our history.

fprnish the forces dominat- 'ing Ame rican char acter.

it has met other growinj^ peoples whom it has conquered. Butin the case of the United States we have a different phenom-enon.

frontier"line

for further separnot free while any woman is unfree, even when her shacklesdifferent from

any

of self, woma

all too often, guiltis just another name for impotence, for defensiveness destructive ofcommunication; it becomes a device to protect ignorance and thecontinuation of things the way they are, the ultimate protection forchangelessne

ll our efforts. Guiltis not a response to anger; it is a response to one's own actions or lackof actio

that it is not our anger which makes me caution youto lock your doors at night, and not to wander the streets of Hartfordalon

calls me on it, to answer her anown only blankets the substance of our

id. That unexpressed anger lies within them likean undetonated device, usually to be hurled at the first woman ofColor who talks about racism.

gain: Is this to be merely another situation of the acad-emy discussing life within the closed circuits of th

n poem, and then dashes off to an"important pa

Because I do not exist to feel her anger for he

n says, "I think I've gotten a lot. I feel Blacreally understand me a lot better now; they have a betwhere I'm comi

defensiveness are brick

tendency to conflatethe three and assume an underlying common-ality of meaning.

t imputes mutual autonomy to respectiveracialization processes that are in fact mutuallyconstitutive of one another

Does group consciousness activateAsian-American and Latino identity andpolitical participation in ways similar to thatidentified among African-Americans?

hen such a collec-tively defined linked fate heuristic should sig-nificantly determine our political worldview.

“Do youthink what happens generally to Black peo-ple in this country will have something to dowith what happens in your life?” If there isan affirmative response, the respondent is thenasked to evaluate the degree of connectedness:“Will it affect you a lot, some, or not verymuch?

group consciousness.

ace becomes theobject of loyalty and idealization

Group consciousness is in-group identificationpoliticized by a set of ideological beliefs aboutone’s group’s social standing, as well as a viewthat collective action is the best means by whichthe group can improve its status and realizeits interests

broader national identities

core values of equality andindividualism

Scholars have found that individu-als adopt identities to associate themselves withpolitical parties or to characterize their own is-sue positions

awareness

. Thus, group membershipis based on a subjective assignment of people,particularly in the case of racial group mem-bership, that is arbitrary and, at times, flexible

Measures that political sci-entists developed in the African-American pol-itics literature when the black-white paradigmwas dominant are routinely applied to the studyof other racial minority groups.

Are racialidentity and group consciousness the same con-cepts

descriptive category to stand in place of identity.

Individuality was the exception, being viewedsimply as a member of a group was the rule.

defin-ing and expanding the boundaries of blackness,initially for purposes of enslavement and laterfor purposes of exclusion

linked fate does a poor job of capturing a persistentsense of group solidarity

is neither connectedness nor locus of control

We initially speculated that responses to the standard linked fate itemcapture a psychological proclivity to connect or affiliate with others.

It is particu-larly noteworthy that Blacks’ reports of linked fate are the most unconnect-ed to politics in LFSS

morehighly educated than are African-Americans as a whole.

A sense of linked fateis typically unrelated to political views or behavio

Gendered linked fate is, in contrast, relatively lowamong Hispanics.

not consistently associated with policy views

Perhapsmost interestingly, once mobilization by a political party is included in theanalysis, a sense of shared fate is not associated with Blacks’ or Latinos’ self-reported likelihood of voting in either the 1996 or—surprisingly—the2008 presidential election

These associations serve as the main empirical supportfor the theoretical claim that linked fate functions as a heuristic guidingBlacks’ political decision-making.

Among Blacks, thesense of linked fate varies by gender (Dawson 1994; Gay and Tate1998; Masuoka 2006; Simien 2005; Tate 1993) and nativity (Hutchingset al. 2005; Watts 2009), socio-economic status (Chong and Rogers2004; Gay 2004; Tate 1993), education (Dawson 1994; Simien 2005),racial composition of the work environment (Hajnal 2007), religiosity(Reese and Brown 1995), or skin color

sample in 2004

52% of Latinos

what happens to black people in this country will have some-thing to do with what happens in your life.”Americans’ Belief in Linked Fate 121

First and most basically, substantial shares of non-White 2 surveyrespondents, especially African-Americans, express a sense of racial orethnic linked fate.

an equally strong sense of linked fatewith class identity, and a substantial though lesser sense of linkage withothers of the same gender or religion

significant cognitive and emotional effects

one’s ownlife chances depend heavily on the status and fortunes of BlackAmericans as a whole

political views or political participation

how has this affected theway they buy and use other commodities

making easy payments for packaged homes in packagedsuburbs.

buying a housebecame the end point of a consumer continuum

as anonymous buyers shopped(using model homes), arranged finance, budgeted and then workedon their dwellings. Like other goods, houses became items ofconsumption

the package came to include a specific array ofservices and neighbourhood features.

helpful staff

‘central place’ not only in their efforts to save butalso to ‘accumulate wealth’

more economical’

Buyers could now increase their existing mortgage to financeimprovements without going through the uncertainty and expenseof applying for a separate loan. This reduced the cost of medium-term finance for all types of home improvements

a predictable pattern ofinvestment, savings and spending.

It wasessential that lenders be willing to make loans, and preferably ongenerous terms, to the new housing consumer.

Facing criticism,

Its influence on class segregation, the removal from resi-dential areas of ‘inharmonious’ land uses (including corner stores),and the standardization of designs and street layouts, was at leastas great.

ncreasingly, even modest dwellingscame with a standard array of services, in subdivisions that metstandards of minimum lot size, street width and layout, andperhaps the provision of open space for parks. Dwellings nowincluded more services while residential areas met higher stan-dards too

Large speculative builders also cateredto this working-class demand. In 1920s Detroit, for example, oneentrepreneur built hundreds of worker’s houses without furnacesand bathrooms in areas that at first lacked piped water and pavedroads

the shift to the ready made’, that is, the house ‘built for no clientat all’

‘corporate housing industry’

In reality, perhaps a third ofhousing units in that year were being speculatively built

Fordist regime of mass production

Fordistregime of accumulation,

standardpackage of services

are also among the fastest-growing populations in the nation.

Consistent with these findings is evidence that highereducation has a “darkening” effect on identification for recent Brazilian cohorts

As a testament to the variable nature of race-color categorization in the country, the optionsgiven to Brazilians can significantly affect how they self-identif

as a way to build national unity, advance colorblindness, and avert racial divisionsbetween whites and nonwhites

Losses in social status racially “darken,” whereas gainsin social status racially “whiten.”

select racial labels so as to maximize gain

A shift in racial identification, in contrast, may beattributed to the emergence of a racial group consciousness

racial fluidity is anartifact of measurement error or methodological design.

These robust findings demonstrate that racial membership is remarkably un-wavering for non-Hispanic whites, blacks, and Asians in the United States

in order to reduce the government’s obligation tonative peoples

as they intention-ally differentiated and distanced themselves from blacks,

ontextual nature of race,

The public policy challenge in the United States should be tobreak down barriers that limit those who would benefit from homeownership fromaccessing it, while not pushing people to become homeowners for whom it doesn’tmake sense or providing subsidies where not appropriate.

illustrating the risks associated with homeownership whenmillions lost their homes to foreclosure. However

Suburban locations witha high minority share of residents may also have lower appreciation rates than loca-tions with a higher share of non-Hispanic white residents

impaired labor marketmobility,

They face high transaction costs associated with moving, buying and sellinghomes, and foreclosures.

purchasing a home is certainly not a guarantee of higher returns than renting

from the sale of their home undermost circumstances

40 percent of homeowners do not itemize deductions on their tax form

The analysis starts with the value of the use of the home as measured by the rent ahomeowner would pay to live in a comparable property.

rom 2005 to 2015,the number of borrowers with student loan debt increased from 24.0 million to43.3 million and the student loan debt balances grew from $378 billion to $1.19 tril-lion, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Consumer Credit panel.

the share ofhousehold heads with a high school or less education fell

The younger the age group,the sharper the decline in homeownership by 2015.

For example, the share of households in whichthe head was 44 or younger fell from 49.2 percent in 1985 to 35.7 percent in 2015;conversely, the share of households in which the head was 65 or over rose from 21.5percent in 1985 to 23.9 percent by 2015

Interestingly, anecdotes suggest that manyGerman households rent their primary residence, but purchase a nearby home torent for income (

Advanced democracies expend incredible resources in the administration ofelections in the hope that election results and public policies will closelyreflect the preferences of the citizenry.

In just a three-year span, the majority party made a clear turn towardprogressive domestic policies, and the introduction of more working-classvoters into the electorate and increased presence of the Labor Party mayhave provided impetus for such a change.

‘‘It has to be recognized that even under the conditions existing inAustralia, the wages of our workers are not sufficient to enable them tosafeguard against these evils [sickness, unemployment, and old-age]’

‘‘First and foremost, we are against class legislation and class govern-ment’’

However, average turnoutwith compulsory voting would have been 91 percent, and Labor would havereceived 53 percent of the votes.

Turnout and labor vote share across

For this reason, any lessons drawn from Australia may be applicable to otherdemocratic nations today.

Also, property values are highly correlatedwith turnout for both owners and occupiers.

Put another way, property-owners com-prised 84 percent of the electorate even though they only comprised 59percent of the eligible voters.

inequality

both sides felt that compulsoryvoting would make them better off.

by Digby Denhamimplemented the policy on the belief that the opposing Labor Party wasbetter at ‘‘getting out the vote’’

7–10 percentage point increase in the vote shares andseat shares of the Labor Party.

higher turnout may benefit left-wingparties significantly

turnout inequalityin Australia before compulsory voting. Overwhelmingly, wealthy citi-zens voted more than their working-class counterparts.

religion

powerfully primed racial considerations in candidate evaluations and policyopinions.

but quite unimportant for the more contemporary issue of affirmative action,where, it would seem, both opponents and supporters can enlist equality asjustification for their views.

round of redistricting contributed significantlyto the Republican congressional successes in the 1992 and 1994

diminishesthe electoral security of white Democrats

Blacks’ history of slavery and discrimination has encouraged them toevaluate policies based on their perceived impact on the racial group rather thanthe individual.

more by their in-group bias rather thanout-group animus

maintain white racial group privilege

hey find that the impact of this group-specific form of individualism on policy opinions is mediated almost entirely bymeasures of symbolic racism

blend of traditional American moral values and anti-black affect

groupinterest—both material and ideological—is at the core of the racial divide

class, social identity, political principles,

Finally, large differences emerge on valuessuch as egalitarianism, the optimal size of government, and the general fairness ofthe American political system

Racial attitudes may still play a significantrole in the regional partisan alignments that coalesced after the Civil Rights era.

racial attitudes per sebecause they focus on policy attitudes that might contain a blend of racial and non-racial sentiments

Nixon “southern strategy”accelerated the realignment of southern whites into the Republican camp

Since then, Democratic support in the South has droppedquite sharply (Petrocik 1987, Black & Black 1992, Frymer 1999). It is also ap-parent that the main shift has been among white southerners

Democratic partisan identification among blacks doubledbetween 1960 and 1968

However, racial attitudes among whites do influence support for blackcandidates