To come up against one’s limit, to have one’s impotence con-firmed: what a terrible shock for every man and, above all, what a surprise! Surely, in this universal pretention of the infinitely small to the infinitely great, and in the universal and eternal shock which results, there is some ground for pessimism. For one unique de-velopment, so many billions of abortions! Our concept of matter accurately reflects the essentially frustrating (contrariant) nature of the world around us. The psychologists are right, more right than they know: external reality exists for us only by its property of resisting us, a resistance which is moreover not only haptic, in its solidity, but also visual in its opacity, voluntative in its inobedience to our wishes, intellectual in its impenetrability to our thought. To say that matter is solid is to say that it is inobedient: despite all il-lusions to the contrary, it is a relation between itand us, and not between itand itself, which is described by the former attribute as much as by the latter.

But if, among our internal states, distinct ex hypothesi from sensation, there were to be found some which vary quantitatively, as I have attempted to show elsewhere,20 this singular character would per-haps allow us to attempt to use them to spiritualize the universe. In my view, these two states of the soul, or rather these two forces of the soul which are called belief and desire, whence derive affirma-tion and will, present this character eminently and distinctly.

Let us suppose for a moment that one of our human States, composed not of a few thousand but of a few quadrillions or quintillions of men, hermeti-cally sealed and inaccessible as individuals (like China, but infi-nitely more populous still, and more closed) was known to us only by the data of its statisticians, whose figures, made up of very large numbers, recurred with extreme regularity. When a political or social revolution, which would be revealed to us by an abrupt en-largement or diminution of some of these numbers, took place in this State, we might well be certain that we would be observing a fact caused by individual ideas and passions, but we would re-sist the temptation to become lost in superfluous conjectures on the nature of these impenetrable causes even though they alone were the real ones, and the wisest option would appear to us to explain as best we could the unusual numbers by ingenious com-parisons with clever manipulations of the normal numbers. We would thereby arrive at least at clear results and symbolic truths. Nonetheless, it would be important from time to time to recall the purely symbolic nature of these truths; and precisely this is the service which the theory of monads can offer to science.

Thus death would be explained; thus life would be justified, by the purgation of desire ... But enough hypotheses. Will you, dear reader, forgive me this attempt at metaphysics

Leaving such speculations aside, and confining ourselves to positive facts, the formation of each thing by propagation start-ing from a point is not in doubt, and justifies us in admitting the existence of leading elements (éléments-chefs).

Among the variations, let us not confuse those which are pro-duced accidentally and from outside, by the vagaries of chance, and those which are due to the long-standing struggle, in the heart of each organism or of each state, between the triumphant ide-al that constitutes it, and the constricted and stifled ideals which chafe beneath its yoke, yearning to emerge and blossom forth. The former are usually neutralized; in most cases it is only the latter which come to fruition. All historians, knowingly or not, make this distinction. Beside the great facts which they relate often, for the sake of their conscience, they emphasize with special care the smallest reforms and the most obscure discussions, barely noted by their contemporaries, which attest to the appearance of new re-ligious or political ideas.

Beings, or rather manufactured objects, would be, with respect to the manufacturer, that which our furniture or tools are to us: mere means, which no sophistical juggling will ever disguise as ends with respect to our acts.

In this respect, the Hegelian system can be considered the last word in the philosophy of Being. Embarked on this path, one will have to concoct impenetrable, and basically contradictory, concepts of becoming and disappearance, the old empty pap of Teutonic ideologues.55 By contrast, nothing could be clearer than the concepts of gain and loss, of acquisition and divestment, which take this place in the philosophy of Having, if we may thus name something which does not yet exist. Between being and non-being there is no middle term, whereas one can have more or less

How could the least ornament creep into these austere rhythms and enliven even a little the eternal psalmody of the world? From the marriage of the monotonous and the homogenous what could be born but tedium? If everything comes from identity, aims at identity and returns to identity, what is the source of this dazzling torrent of variety? We may be certain that the fundamental nature of things is not as poor, as drab, or as colourless as has been sup-posed.

The speech of men, each with a different accent, intonation, and timbre of voice and gesture: this veritable chaos of discordant het-erogeneities is the social element. But at length, general habits of language emerge from this confused Babel, and are formulated as grammatical laws

We might also observe that every sufficiently prolonged pro-cess of evolution exhibits a succession and interlacing of phenom-enal layers which are remarkable alternately for the regularity and the caprice, the permanence and the fugacity, of the relations they present to us.

everything ends with difference, where, in the higher phenomena of thought and history, it finally breaks free of the narrow circles in which it had bound itself, namely the atomic vortex and the vital vortex, and transforming the very obstacle it faced into a fulcrum, surpasses and transfigures itself. It seems to me that all similari-ties and all phenomenal repetitions are only intermediaries, which will inevitably be found to be interposed between some elementa-ry diversities which are more or less obliterated, and the transcen-dent diversities produced by their partial immolation

For identity is only the minimal degree of difference and hence a kind of difference, and an infinitely rare kind, as rest is only a special case of movement, and the circle only a particular variety of el-lipse. To begin from the primordial identity is to posit at the ori-gin of things a prodigiously improbable singularity, an impossible coincidence of multiple beings, at once distinct from and similar to one another; or else the inexplicable mystery of a single simple being, which would subsequently, for no comprehensible reason, suffer division.

When wa-ter vapour crystallizes into a thousand different needles or simply liquefies into flowing water, does this condensation really, as we are inclined to think, entail an increase in the differences inherent in the water molecules? No; let us not forget the freedom which the latter formerly enjoyed in the state of gaseous dispersion, their movement in every direction, their impacts, and their infinitely varied distances. Is it then that the differences have decreased? Again, no: all that has happened is that one kind of difference has been substituted for another, that is, internal differences for mu-tually external ones.

But when, before our eyes, the provincial diversity of customs, of costumes, of ideas, of accents, and of physical forms, is being levelled by modernity, by the uni-ty of weights and measures, of language, of accent, and even of conversation—a levelling which is the necessary condition for all these minds to come into contact with one another, that is, to be-gin to work, and to develop more freely their individual character-istics—then the tears of poets and of artists attest to the price of the social picturesqueness which has been sacrificed for the sake of these advantages.

If we look at the so-cial world, the only one known to us from the inside, we see agents, men, much more differentiated and more sharply characterized as individuals, and richer in continual variations, than are the mech-anisms of government or the systems of laws or of beliefs, or even dictionaries or grammars, and this differentiation is maintained by their competition. A historical fact is simpler and clearer than the states of mind of any of its actors.

37

All these charac-teristics are so many mysteries, which create a curious embarrass-ment for the philosopher. Is there any hope of resolving them by conceiving of open monads which would penetrate each other re-ciprocally, rather than being mutually external? I believe there is, and I note that on this point again, the progress of science, indeed of modern science in general and not only of its most recent devel-opments, favours the blossoming of a renewed monadology.

Besides, both atomists and monadolo-gists equally represent their first elements, which they claim are the sources of all reality, as swimming in the same space and the same time, which are two realities or pseudo-realities of a singular kind: deeply penetrating throughout the material realities which were supposed impenetrable, and yet radically distinct from the latter, despite the intimacy of this penetration.

As a complement to the closure of his monads, Leibniz made each one a camera obscura where the whole universe of oth-er monads is represented in a reduced form and from a particu-lar angle; and moreover, he had to posit a pre-established harmo-ny, in the same way that, as the complement of their wandering blind atoms, materialists must invoke universal laws or a single formula embracing all laws, a kind of mystical commandment which all beings would obey and which was not produced by any being, a kind of ineffable and unintelligible word which, having never been pronounced by anyone, nonetheless would be heard everywhere and forever.

62

55

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The Named Entity task consists of three subtasks: entity names, temporal expressions, and number expressions. Theexpressions to be annotated are “unique identifiers” of entities (persons, locations, organizations), times (dates,times, and durations), and quantities (money, measures, percents, and cardinal numbers).

The main principle of the merging method was to use the ME pre-diction and the other predictions as backup. Meaning, if the ME system didn't assign any name class to a word other predictions are taken into consideration. This principle had an excep-tion in case of a prediction of the name class "time".

an be read as a transliteration.

Features with non-binary value are later trans-formed to binary features.Structural Features: A set of binary features: wis the first word in the article; w is the first word in the sentence; w is the last word in the sen-tence. Lexicon Features: w itself is used as a feature. This set contains one feature for each distinct

The Maximum Entropy (ME) probabilistic mod-eling technique has proved to be well adapted to cases where the model includes a large number of features. As apposed to the HMM, a ME model treats each feature separately. It gives each feature a weight according to its impact on the name class prediction.

features which represent regular expres-sions; a feature which indicates whether the word appears within quotes; dictionary features for the current word and a window of ±2 words around it; features which indicate if the current word is in or a part of an expression in one of the pre-processed lists.

The disadvantage of this definition is that the features are considered as a union and not separately. The simple HMM only emits one symbol to each state. A Limitation of this model is the use of the inde-pendence assumption which is not always correct in the NER problem.

States are defined as a product of the set of pos-sible name classes and the set of possible Part of Speech tags. For example, there would be a state for PERSON + NOUN, PERSON + VERB etc. We also define special states for the beginning and end of a sentence. Overall we get a set of 212 states. The intuition for this state definition came from the fact that the syntactic structure of the sentence has great impact on the prediction of name classes. Defining the Part of Speech tags as part of the HMM states emphasizes the structure of the sentence through the transition probabili-ties.

Transition and emission probabilities were calculated using maximum likelihood esti-mators

We experimented with several HMMs to ap-proach the Hebrew NER problem. In each model we defined the alphabet and the state set differ-ently. The following describes the HMM which produced the best results throughout our experi-ments.

We phrased special guidelines for Hebrew. The guidelines were adapted from the English guidelines (Chinchor, Brown, Ferro and Robinson, 1999) with adjustments and additions for the unique properties of Hebrew.

We focused on recognizing entity names (person, location organizations), temporal expression (date, time) and number ex-pression (percent, money).

The Irish, he writes, “unfortunatelyspeak a partially intelligible dialect of the English language, and havinga white skin and European features, cannot be prevented from circu-lating among us at discretion, and to all manner of lengths andbreadths” (32–33). Carlyle offers this difficulty of distinguishing theIrish from the English as further evidence that the Irish belong underEnglish rule. But it could easily be taken instead to suggest the opposite:that if it is impossible to tell Celts from Anglo-Saxons, then the differ-ences between these white races—and specifically the superiority of theSaxons—may not be so apparent as Carlyle insists.

or instance, he finds conservation anticipated by Carlyle in Sartor Resartus: "That little fire which grows star-like across the dark-growing moor . . . is it a detached separated speck, cut off from the whole universe; or is it indissolubly joined to the whole? Thou fool, that smithy fired was kindled primarily of the sun." And Tyndall comments, "Such passages - and they abound in his writ- ings - might justify us in giving Carlyle the credit of poetically, but accurately, foreshadowing the doctrine of The Conservation of Energy."

Natural supernaturalism (set forth in Sartor Resartus but perme- ating all of Carlyle's work), by asserting the grandeur and marvel of nature in the face of the absence of m

ons. Reli- gion for Carlyle was wonder, humility, and work amidst the eternities and silences. The true realm of religion and the spirit was the inner man; all else was unessential extern

. . it must be repeated, and ever again repeated till poor mortals get to discern it, and awake from their baleful paralysis, and degradation under foul enchantments, That a man of Intellect, of real and not sham Intellect, is by the nature of him likewise inevitably a man of nobleness, a man of courage, rectitude, pious strength; who, even because he is and has been loyal to the Laws of the Universe, is initiated into discernment of the same; to this hour a Missioned of Heaven; whom if men follow, it will be well with them; whom if men do not follow, it will not be well.

To return, however, to the 185o's and the attraction of Carlyle to the young men of science, it should be seen that Carlyle's rejection of political solutions and his call for an aristocracy of talent capable of positive action could be interpreted as an injunction for scientists to employ their expertise in the enterprise of social reform and recon- struction. At this point what Lecky termed Carlyle's "standard of truth- fulness" and his contempt for the "half-beliefs and insincere profes- sions" of the age intermeshed with the positivistic and rationalistic proclivities of the younger wr

A direct line of intellectual descent connects Carlyle's demand for heroes and his devotion to great men with Galton's eugenics and Karl Pearson's eulogy of the superiority of the British

In place of the democratic ideal Galton devoted his life to the study of inheritance and particularly the inheritance of genius. By the latter part of the century he was calling for what amounted to selective breeding of human beings to assure the survival of superior men and women who could lead society and solve its prob

The thought and career of Francis Galton most clearly illus- trates the elitists' side of the naturalistic movement and its affinity with Carlyle's doctrines. As a young man Galton had read Carlyle and been disturbed by the condition of

policy. Perhaps echoing Carlyle's remark that no ship could round the Horn directed by vote of the crew, Huxley once declared, ". . . I should be very sorry to find myself on board a ship in which the voices of the cook and loblolly boys counted for as much as those of the officers, upon questions of steering

The fundamental link between the younger naturalistic genera- tion and Carlyle was the latter's social criticism and his call for a new social and intellectual e

I must ever gratefully remember that through three long cold German winters Carlyle placed me in my tub, even when ice was on its surface, at five o'cloc

is books captured the imagination and chan- neled much of the enthusiasm of young men who came of age in the forties and fifties and who saw their own experiences mirrored in Teu- felsdrockh's journey from loss of faith, purpose, and identity to an affir- mation of self through work in this world. Huxley, Tyndall, Morley, Galton, and even Spencer drew upon Carlyle's wisdom in their early manhood.

ks.7 His use of scientific metaphors was frequent and e

Yet Carlyle's relationship to rationalism, science and naturalis- tic writers was considerably more ambiguous than it might initially ap- pear. He was anything but ignorant of physical science. His own clouded loss of faith may in part have stemmed from study of natural philosophy at Edinburgh. He had translated encyclopedia articles on scientific topics and had reviewed scientific books.7 His use of scientific metaphors was frequent and e

m. Carlyle wanted nothing to do with Dar- win's natural selection. On one occasion when Huxley crossed the street to walk with him, the older man grumbled, "You're Huxley, aren't you? the man that says we are all descended from monke

Carlyle has not usually been numbered among the friends of rationalism and science. Participating in what his friend J. S. Mill termed "the revolt of the human mind against the philosophy of the eighteenth century," he introduced German romanticism and idealism to the British reading public through translations, interpretive essays, and his best known work Sartor Resartus.4 For more than half a cen- tury in one passage after another, Carlyle pointed to the heartlessness, social futility, and intellectual sterility of the "European Mechanis

ies.3 It is through the recognition of the transitional nature of their intellectual development and their concern for effective social and educational policy that one encounters the rather unexpected influence of Thomas Carlyle on the naturalistic co- terie

DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY THE SPOKESMEN for scientific naturalism constituted one of the most vocal and visible groups on the Victorian intellectual landscape. Combining research, polemical wit, and literary eloquence, they defended and propagated a scientific world view based on atomism, conservation of energy, and evolution. They raised the banner of the functional expertise of the sci- entifically educated against the resistance of religious orthodoxy, re- ceived opinion, and intellectual obscurantism. They sought to create a secular climate of opinion that would permit the theories and prac- titioners of modern science to penetrate the institutions of education, industry, and government for the material progress and social ameliora- tion of the nation. Their immense energy and the multiplicity of their interests and contacts permitted them to carry their message of the benefits of scien- tific endeavor to audiences ranging from skilled mechanics to members of the aristocracy.1 Thomas Henry Huxley, whose defense of Darwin made him the most famous of the group, illustrates the multi-faceted activities of these men. In addition to his polemical efforts on

oung Ireland's utilization of Carlyle's ideas conform to a pattern that was common with contemporary readers of his works. Rather than giving rise to rigid discipleship, admiration for Carlyle as a person, and interest in his writings, furnished readers with a distinctive perspective from which to address their particular religious, social and political concerns.107 It was thus possible for Carlyle's name to be invoked in a range of different contexts by those who disagreed with him on key matters.

ensure that Ireland was well governed. While Carlyle's writings provided a source to which Duffy might appeal in constructing a case for leadership in Irish society, they also served to reinforce a distinctive Young Ireland position on the need for the Irish to assume re sponsibility for their own fate.

applied to English paupers in Sartor resartus and Chartism: 'Can it be a charity to keep men alive on these terms? In face of all the twaddle of the earth, shoot a man rather than train him (with heavy expense to his neighbours) to be a deceptive human swine. '74

c of what he regarded as the mechanistic world view that underpinned official attitudes to poor relief, Carlyle nevertheless acknowledged that unless the British government was prepared to let large sections of the Irish working classes perish through want, a version of the English system would need to be maintained in Ireland for the time being. He recoiled violendy, however, from the sight of Irish pauperism.

Carlyle's reaction to Peel's speeches provides the key to understanding his re sponses to those he met in

ed, moralized capitalism of this kind was not considered by Carlyle as an alternative to active, intelligent government. Carlyle envisaged that the initiatives of ' cap tains of industry' would be buttressed by an active and extensive state, one that set and maintained standards of order and responsibility to which capitalists

employed a military analogy in developing an appropriate model. He appealed to capitalists to become ' captains of indus try', t

It is a mistake to regard Carlyle's support for capitalist investment in Irish agriculture as marking a retreat from the critique of laissez-faire that featured in his condition of England writings.

Carlyle believed that there was also scope for developing Irish industry once the dead hand of landlordism was cast aside : 'To relieve Ireland from this; to at least render Ireland habitable for Capitalists, if not for Heroes; to invite Capital, and Industrial Governors and Guardians (from Lancashire, from Scotiand, from the Moon, or from the Ring of Saturn) : what other salvation can one see for Ireland

Depressed and provoked by reports in the Nation of the dire condition of the population, he railed against the impotent response to its immediate plight and

anticipated that the potato blight would also result in the demise of the most irresponsible English and Scottish landlords and their replacement with a new class of'improvers'.5

noted, a belief in the salutary implications of the potato blight was difficult to sustain when confronted by a clear picture of the terrible toll inflicted on the poor: 'I have almost lost the heart to continue my old prayer on that point, That the potatoe [sic] might continue dead. '5

hile he thought that the failure of the potato crop was a providential warning, it was aimed at landlords, rather than the peasantry : ' if th

arlyle thought that it typified an approach in parliamentary and official circles in London that favoured 'wretched spendthrift Landlords' and ignored the plight of the Irish poor.47 His

Carlyle's understanding of the practical issues raised by the condition of Ireland question, namely, landlord-tenant relationships, the structure of landholding and land ownership, the condition of the rural economy, and the relationship between the land system, poverty, and over-population, largely corresponded with the terms of British public debate on Irish affairs in

unfamiliar and reported that the people were 'gende and simple'.43 Even during his second visit, when Carlyle's outiook was jaundiced by anger and despair, he wrote sympath etically about a wide range of people, reserving his sharpest critic

Nor is it always appropriate to deduce anti-Irish biases from the language Carlyle used in his discussions of the state of Ire

r him'.37 The fact that Carlyle thought that the Irish were not alone in their disregard for truth makes it difficult to interpret his criticism of their 'unveracity' as features of racially constru

was also intrigued by examples of early Irish material culture that he saw in a collection of 'antiquities' at the Royal Irish Academy in 1849, commenting that 'everything has a certain authenticity, as well as national and other significance'.24

Moreover, although Carlyle did not believe that either the Scottish or the Irish could ever become independent actors on the world stage, he did not regard them as inferior to the English in any fundamental sense, and nor did he think that their role in the United Kingdom obliterated their cultural identity. As noted below, he remarked favourably on what he took to be the distinctiveness of the Irish people he met in 1846. He was also intrigued by examples of early Irish material culture that he saw in a collection of 'antiquities' at the Royal Irish Academy in 1849, commenting that 'everything has a certain authenticity, as well as national and other significance'.24

ugger, 'Black Ireland's race', p. 469. Carlyle's engagement with arguments concerning the substantive impact of supposed racial differences between Celts and Saxons had something of the character which Dugger ascribes to Young Ireland's contributions to The spirit of the nation, an influential volume of poetry which Duffy edited in 1845: they ' responded to the claim that Celts were inferior to Saxons with both the argument that the distinction between the races was politically meaningless and with some overt Saxon-bashing too' (p. 47

hey were not, as Julie Dugger points out, applied consistentiy in his writings on Ireland.22 This was partiy because of the absence of direct black-white antimonie

Carlyle used the term ' English ' to refer to a British phenomenon because he identified this ethnic group with character traits (nobleness, vigour, and a capacity for leadership) which he, along with a number of prominent Victorian writers, treated as characteristically 'Anglo-Saxon'. This belief was part of a racially grounded ideology that might serve to differentiate people's capacity for participating in progressive processes by reference to their ethnic origins.21 But while examples of this discourse appear in Carlyle's writings, they do not, except in the case of blacks in the West Indies and the southern United States, play a significant role in either his analysis or his prescriptions.

d is in chronic atrophy these five centuries ; the disease of nobler England, identified now with that of Ireland, becomes acute, has crises, and will be cured or kill. '17

ed when discussing the impact of Irish immigration on workers in his native Annandale, this was at most the 'proximate' cause, 'indeed ... not so much itself a "cause" as the symptom and general outcome of many sad causes'.16 The Irish were agents of retribution, not bearers of a contagion that poisoned an otherwise healthy body politic. Both countries were afflicted, but Ireland's distemper had

is writings on the 'condition of England question', Carlyle focused on failures of elite leadership and on the need to infuse modern cultures with values that would underwrite a restoration of authority that would promote his vision of human progress. The conclu

rish society were not underwritten by assumptions concerning the inherent inferiority of the Irish people. To the contrary, Carlyle believed that these failings were widespread in contemporary European culture, and explained why it was in a state of more or less acute crisis. As in

by an analysis of the basis of the ideas on Ireland in Carlyle's condition of England writings that initially attracted the attention of leading Young Ireland figures, and those which emerged from the mid-i840s when his interest in, and knowledge of, Ireland deepened. It is argued that Carlyle's views on the failing

ecessary, however, to resist claims that Carlyle's views on Ireland can be understood by reference to stock mid-century anti-Irish prejudices, including those that conceptualized Anglo-Irish relationships in terms of a hierarchy of racial types which degraded and marginalized the Irish and robbed them of independent agency.3 This interpretation is inconsistent with the perspectives on Ireland that emerge from Carlyle's writings from the 1840s. It also ignores the implications of Carlyle's relationship with members of the Young

eland really is my problem; the breaking point of the huge suppuration which all British and European society now is. Set down in Ireland, one might at least feel, "Here is thy problem: in God's name, what will thou do with it?"'2

Carlyle believed that modern Ireland demonstrated the end point of the failings of contemporary society and set them in sharp relief: 'Ir

lowing brief references to the plight of the Irish peasantry in The French Revolution : a history (1836) and Sartor resartus (1838), more extensive treatments appeared in Chartism (1839), in his edition of Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches (1845), and m a series of essays published in the Examiner, the Spectator and the Nation in 1848 and 1849. C

lthough Thomas Carlyle's social and political criticism was framed in terms of what he called 'the condition of England question', in the late 1830s and 1840s he periodically turned his attention towards Ireland. F

arlyle made two visits to Ireland, the first in the summer of 1846 and a longer one in 1849, recording his impressions in correspondence and an unpublished reminiscence. At

Perhaps this development should not be so surprising.120As early asChartismdand thus be-fore his visits to IrelanddCarlyle had written: ‘A people [the Irish] that knows not to speak thetruth, and to act the truth, such people has departed from even the possibility of well-being. Suchpeople works no longer on Nature and Reality; works now on Phantasm, Simulation, Nonentity;the result it arrives at is naturally not a thing but no-thing,ddefect even of potatoes.’121Carlyle’swords are arresting. Here the famished Irish bodyda ‘nonentity’, ‘not a thing but no-thing’disdiscursively stripped bare to what Giorgio Agamben calls ‘naked life’. According to Agamben’sdefinition, ‘naked life’ marks the site of an ‘incessant decision on value and non-value’dexactlythe task Carlyle assigned himself as ‘Eternity’scommissioner’ in Ireland.122This debate onhuman value and non-valuedwhich for Carlyle is inseparable from environmental and racialfactorsdmarks his passage into the domain of biopower and capitalist political eco

I'll skip the inefficient method I used before with the custom groupby aggregationm, and go for some neat trick using the mighty transform method.