56 Matching Annotations
  1. Sep 2017
    1. while I was on the floor groping under the seat for nickels, dimes, and pennies.

      why doesn't he want to be recognized?

    2. one morestop

      typo or intentional?

    3. Readers are not shy with suggestions, and the suggestions are often good but also closer to the passions of the reader than to this writer’s

      might this change if one were "reading like a writer"?

    4. too reasonable


    5. with absolutely no idea that I was building the shells of future pieces of writing.

      could be said about anyone, with almost any experience ever. This is not so unique a statement

    6. 1+1 = 2.6 and ABC/D

      writing as a form of math--an equation

    7. In any case, one plus one should add up to more than two.

      a challenge to himself as a writer

    8. How much cool truth there is in that essay is in the eye of the reader.

      as is true with almost every piece of writing--while the author can have their own intentions, the interpretation is in the eye of the beholder.

  2. Nov 2016
    1. But the general process of neighbor-hood change entails a loss of urban cohesiveness and the growth of a new pluralism among residents that will compel congregations to reexamine their identities and play new roles

      Nice conclusion to apply to New Community

    2. The rapid-fire changes that can reconfigure neighborhoods during gen-trification (whether from rezoning laws or the closing of long-established retail outlets) makes transitions between niches both a problem and a pos-sibility for congregations

      A problem all congregations face, not just New Community

    3. Mainline congregations seem best able to bridge the gap between old-timers and a segment of newcomers; their openness to the neighborhood and their liberal positions on women in leadership, gay rights, and other social issues seem a natural fit with new residents
    4. he evangelical lifestyle enclave’s demand that members hold to a common belief system lends itself to the formation of social networks of like-minded believers who define themselves against an unbelieving society

      Similar people do similar things and believe similar things -- Practice at similar churches

    5. the stress on intimacy, authenticity, and community that strikes a powerful chord among young urban newcomers arriving on the current wave of gentrification

      i.e. New Community

    6. The thirty congregations are compared according to nine analytic dimensions: (1) primary identification, (2) neighborhood attachment, (3) membership compo-sition, (4) neighborhood investment, (5) neighborhood activism, (6) prospects for growth, (7) tenure, (8) member proximity and commutation to congrega-tion, and (9) sources of funding and other resources

      Method to surviving

    7. All of these congregations have sought (some more self-consciously than oth-ers) to find their own niche in the religious ecology of Williamsburg and Greenpoint.

      Have had to work to survive the gentrification, but it worked

    8. Following the model of social ecology, these neighborhoods have experienced long-term organizational mortality and adaptations and, most noticeably, the birth of congregations

      So gentrification helped their congregations???

    9. Such a growth in the number of nontraditional families is partly tied to the young age of the newcomers–the median age of the new arrivals between 1990 and 2000 was thirty-five. The study found that older Italian, Hispanic, and Polish communities were in danger of being displaced.

      Similar to the black community being pushed out of Shaw

    10. Far more than belonging to the same neighborhood, congregations tend to attract those of particular age groups or generations as well as those with similar beliefs and worship styles, even eclipsing the importance of denomination (i.e., it is more important to have a born-again experience than to be Methodist, Baptist, etc.)

      so.... churches are more successful when they are multi denominational (aka - New Community)

    11. This chapter looks at how congregations meet the needs of both newcomers and longtime residents in a period of drastic neighborhood change

      Exactly what New Community has gone through!!!

    12. Most social scientists who study gentrification tend to see religious groups and particularly congregations as largely marginal and passive by-standers in the larger structural processes of neighborhood change

      Not New Community

    13. Yet Ley and Martin admit that while conventional congregations may suf-fer losses and even shut their doors, alternative spiritual groups

      That is kind of what New Community is... flexible to the conversation of faith

    14. David Ley and R. Bruce Martin (1993) argue not only that the creative class moving into gentrified zones is secular to begin with, but also that the establishments (such as restaurants and entertainment venues) they bring into neighborhoods force congregations out of these areas.

      Not just the people who push out religion, but new establishments (entertainments/restaurants)

    15. This raises the question of not only how congregations adapt but also how they influence these gentrified zones and their residents.

      The question my commonplace addresses

    16. In many cases, new residents coming into a neighborhood through gen-trification are viewed as potential members with identifiable needs that a con-gregation can meet, as well as talents that a congregation can use.

      How the church views gentrification, but not necessarily how the newcomers see it.

    17. This brief encounter between the puzzled hipster and the Roman Catho-lic participants in the procession of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel in Williams-burg, Brooklyn, during the summer of 2008 illuminates the ongoing cultural disconnect between newcomers and old-time residents in this gentrifying neighborhood.

      I can see this as a normal occurrence, especially around here. Religion/older traditions are not practiced as much, so when they are people tend to view them in awe/suspicion.

    1. For this report, an initial test determined a tract was eligible to gentrify if its median household income and median home value were both in the bottom 40th percentile of all tracts within a metro area at the beginning of the decade. To assess gentrification, growth rates were computed for eligible tracts’ inflation-adjusted median home values and percentage of adults with bachelors’ degrees.

      define the variables/tests

    2. The District is home to some of the county’s fastest-gentrifying communities.

      It is amazing to see the areas of gentrification in the 1990s compared to now on this map.


    3. Neighborhoods gentrifying since 2000 recorded population increases and became whiter, with the share of non-Hispanic white residents increasing an average of 4.3 percentage points. Meanwhile, lower-income neighborhoods that failed to gentrify experienced slight population losses and saw the concentration of minorities increase

      Racial impact on gentrification.

    4. In the District of Columbia, for example, 54 neighborhoods were found to have gentrified since 2000. Back in the 1990s, just five neighborhoods had gentrified in a decade when the city was dubbed the nation’s “murder capital.” 

      Distinction between the 1990s and now. It had been known as the "murder capital" or dodge city, yet know it is on its way to being completely gentrified.

    5. Portland, OR 58.1% 36 26 80 142 Washington, DC 51.9% 54 50 75 179 Minneapolis, MN 50.6% 39 38 39 116

      Fascinating to look at the different statistics for gentrification across the US.

    6. Compared to lower-income areas that failed to gentrify, gentrifying Census tracts recorded increases in the non-Hispanic white population and declines in the poverty rate.

      Not beneficial to minorities or poor... Not very surprising.

    7. Gentrification greatly accelerated in several cities. Nearly 20 percent of neighborhoods with lower incomes and home values have experienced gentrification since 2000, compared to only 9 percent during the 1990s.
    8. Gentrification still remains rare nationally, with only 8 percent of all neighborhoods reviewed experiencing gentrification since the 2000 Census.

      Surprising that it is not more common. You always here about how cities are being gentrified, yet it only occurs in 8% of neighborhoods.

  3. Oct 2016
    1. Early efforts to renovate the rowhouses raised concerns of displacement among poor black renters. In a 1972 Washington Post article, rowhouse tenants in the 1800 block of Eighth Street NW predicted their eventual replacement by wealthier whites, a forecast that became reality in a few short decades

      This concern was also addressed in Rev Melsons interview

    2. Mostly, renewal efforts resulted in construction of a few high-rise federally subsidized low-income apartments sponsored by church groups

      Including New Community Church & Rev Dickerson

    3. The 1968 riots gave birth to Shaw in a previously unnamed neighborhood of 1910-era rowhouses. There were African-American churches, and small businesses concentrated along U Street


    4. The neighborhood “reminded us of the meatpacking district of New York,” said Kai Reynolds, a JBG partner. In their search for what he calls “authentic,” they also visited the Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles and the Pearl District of Portland, Ore.

      This process of gentrification can be seen throughout neighborhoods in most large cities.

    1. derive
    2. ghts of

      French Poststructuralist movement of the 50's and 60's: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Post-structuralism

    3. not properly segmented into audience, text, or rhetorician

      By segmentation does she mean categorization? In which case, didn't she warn against categorization earlier in the article?

    4. concatenation,

      A linking of things, linking together (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/concatenate). Interestingly enough, people also describe string theory as strong concatenation

    5. Rather, a rhetoric emerges already infected by the viral intensities that are circulating in the social field.

      It's a product of "viral intensities" rather than simply a place for them to be produced

    6. iscriminated from a flux

      By identifying set elements, new elements are excluded, making a network incomplete in its lack of fluctuation. Moreover, by labeling and categorizing these elements, we are inherently excluding what we have yet to understand or be exposed to

    7. es a plurality of exigencies and complex relations between the audience and a rhetorician's

      a network that is not linear or singular-- the audience and speaker are interconnected

    8. sense. Whereas Bitzer suggests that the rhetor discovers exigencies that already exist, Vatz argues that exigencies are created for audiences through the rhet

      discovery vs. creation

    9. der, receiver, text - are

      This is a consecutively linear communication style, as if the singular piece of "text" is be sent by the singular "sender" to the singular "receiver." This alludes that there is one unilateral message that comes from one place-- there is one isolated topoi that is not public.

    10. er, not so much as 'presents', fixed in space and time, but as variable events; twists and fluxes of inter

      Something that is lived in cannot be static, and cannot be perceived as such

    11. Not only do these counter-rhetorics directly respond to and resist the original exigence, they also expand the lived experience of the original rhetorics by adding to them - even while changing and expanding their shape. The anti-weird rhetorics of Austin add to the "weird rhetoric" ecology through a practice of mixture and encounters of extended proximity.

      Interesting to think about how counter-rhetoric can be additive and can change the meaning of the original rhetoric, even while trying to work against that original rhetoric.

    12. at exigen

      exigencies - an urgent need or demand

    13. Although the standard models of rhetorical situation can tell us much about the elements that are involved in a particular situation, these same models can also mask the fluidity of rhetori

      What does she mean by fluidity of rhetoric? Does this have to do with how every situation is rhetorical and every rhetorical situation is different?

    14. The weakness of "conglomeration" models is tacitly exposed in Smith and Lybarger's analysis of Bush's "war on drugs" speeches, for instance. Wh

      This topic sentence bridges the gap between the "war on drugs" briefly mentioned a couple pages ago and the weaknesses that were discussed in the previous paragraph. This connection brings together two previous concepts in order to Rice to further develop the two ideas together as how they relate to each other.

    15. his explicit definition, Bitzer writes that a rhetorical situation is "a natural context of persons, events, objects, relations, and an exigence which strongly invites utterances. ..." (385). As ma

      Different from the general definition that we have been working off of.

      Compared to ours - The way in which writing is manipulated in order to persuade a specific audience to having a belief that we do.

    16. Warner tells us that this is why the overly simplified models of communication - often represented through the triangulated terms sender, receiver, text - are nothing short of a conceptual paradox. H

      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Warner) http://www.nndb.com/people/479/000117128/

      Michael Warner is an english professor at Yale. He has written many books on the idea of space and public in addition to others about politics and his own sexual identification.

    1. Cosby didn't want the movement to become institutional and frozen by inertia

      Wanted to ensure that his legacy (the work, not his name) continues on past his retirement/death.

    2. After decades of bringing white, middle- and upper-class people into neighborhoods around Columbia Road and Adams Morgan to serve the poor and lecturing to seminarians and faith leaders, Cosby has concluded that societal change might go in the other direction.

      The rich-white are not the only ones who can help...

    3. "We've got to move from believing so deeply to doing," he preached. "We've got to keep in mind the discrepancy between belief and embodiment."


      In his last sermon he makes sure that his parishioners know: it is not enough to come up with a way to help, but you must go into the field and give aid to those who need it.