Third, dam removalsare more likely when states are in better fiscal health, willing to innovate inrelated policy areas, and pressured by pro-change advocates

Status quo interests

While this diffusion has been particularly noticeable insome regions, several outlier states have also pursued significant river res-toration.

caused substantial environmental damage

33 states had established riverprotection programs

Secretary of the Interior Babbittnoted that the Quaker Neck removal would stimulate creative thinking atdam sites across the country

Over 300 dams havebeen removed from United States' rivers

in orderto restore migratory fish routes on the Neuse River.

Historically, the U.S. government hasdeferred to the states in matters of water allocation, use, and managemen

clean up American waterways and setaside portions of rivers as wild and scenic

with water interests and members of Congress eagerto bring home capital water projects, like dams

institutional variables may play a greater role for less controversial policies

I hypothesize that the more entrenchedthe status quo becomes, the less likely that policy reversal will occur.

States are more likely to adopt policy innovations for which their citizensexpress a demand.

Accordingly, Ihypothesize that state fiscal stress will deter policy reversals.

will be less consequential in predicting policy reversal

ationalized, making learning from neighbors nomore common than learning from states elsewhere in the country

Such reversals can be so dramatic that theyproduce patterns of political behavior different from those surrounding themore typical adoption of new policy

Did this deregulation generate politics that were different from thatwhich led to regulation in the first place

Second, the rate of adoption is more gradual for policy reversals thanfor new policies or less extensive modifications to existing ones.

using and controlling rivers by building dams to a focus onrestoring rivers' natural conditions by removing or breaching dams

Diffusion of reversals involves more states outsideof active regions than is seen typically with policy adoption, and reversal diffusionoccurs more gradually than adoption diffusion with many policy innovations

conversely, that the acquisition of the otherdepartment’s lands would add to the institutional stature of his ownadministration.

permanent national property.

Emotion was evident on both sides, of course, but the Interior De-partment produced nothing like The Western Range to support Ickes’sdetermined belief that the forests should be transferred to a new Con-servation Department, which he would lead.

contentions that therange was a critical part of the entire agricultural program, for both theWest and the nation, and that good government required that thoselands be placed with the USDA

the creation of the grazing district or the is-suance of a permit pursuant to the provisions of this act shall not createany right, title, interest, or estate in or to the lands.

Technically speaking, the permit gave a rancher merely a licenseto use the range, meaning that the rancher’s use of the range was a priv-ilege conferred by the government for a finite period.

Clearly, denying a permit toa rancher would “impair the value of the grazing unit,” and it wouldtherefore be very difficult for the government to do so.

These range rights are as much a part of the land as thegravel in the soil.

who simply ranged their animals on the public do-main without having a base property from which to operate.

He therefore believed that ranchers’ assured access to rangewould secure and increase the land values in the rural West

regulatory authority resided.

that the governing bodies involved in ad-ministering the Taylor lands overlapped considerably with the alreadyorganized stockmen’s association

he simply wanted to map out the proposed grazing districts as quicklyas possible

ack of formality involvedin this process was quite remarkable.

produce a new political structure in theWest.

Those lands that could not beplaced in a district would be taken care of some other way— either soldoutright, exchanged with other lands, or leased to individual ranchers,and at least some of the heated politics would focus on what Carpenterand others called the “shot-gun” lands

in setting up an administration that would reduce the un-certainty of their land tenure and bring back the productivity of therange.

careful planning, thinking, and readjustment

federal administrative authority

This reluctance was the stance that he would take before western live-stock producers, emerging from a genuine belief in “self-governance”and in the ability of ranchers to adjudicate their own local ranges.

Finally, Ickes’s grand language about national duty had roots, ofcourse, in early twentieth-century conservation.

right

Nation

by which I mean that he sawthat conserving these lands reflected the moral strengths of the nationand the sovereignty of the federal government

The struggles over ForestService grazing fees thus bore legislative fruit for western ranchers, whohad consistently argued that access to public grazing lands formed an in-tegral part of the valuation of their property. The Taylor Grazing Act es-sentially solidified that connection in policy

under existing law validly affecting the public lands

to perform such workas may be necessary amply to protect and rehabilitate

I am not appearing here in behalf of big cattlemen, big sheep men, or anything of the kind. I am trying to protect thelocal man who pays taxes

when federal land managers spoke innational terms about the need for unified administrative authority overthe public lands

[a]tremendous deterioration of the land has resulted, due to the overuse wehave been making of it

captured

would build on these histories of property,restructure them, and give them new meaning

was that the land endedup in federal administration

Many Americans value open space and public lands precisely because they areamong the reasons their families settled where they have and why they stay there

whereasother environmental ballot measures that fared less well, such as legalizing betting on horseracing or creating public commissions, did not impose direct costs on citizens.

This point is consistent with the argument scholars made recently regarding civilrights policy wherein they show that content of the specific policy in question is morecrucial to understanding elite behavior than broad characterizations and blanket assertion

They are also more likely to pass if they involve bonds ratherthan taxes. They are less likely to pass if they are initiatives rather than referendums andif they occur in states with high percentages of public lands.

public lands

passed

74

rash and reckless spoliation

Colorado Springs concludedthat local parks raised property values for nearby residents over $500 million and generatedtax revenues over $2.5 million per year

Public lands bring substantialeconomic benefits to local communities.

Cultural and aesthetic values that citizens assign to public lands are deeply engrained inthe American society.

citizens in conservativeRocky Mountain states supporting permanent protection for wilderness, parks, and openspaces

protection of natural places draws much higher levels of support from across theideological spectrum than just about any other environmental issue

hunters, conservationists, and outdoor recreation enthusiaststo form coalitions to stop, or at least delay, the proposals

anathema

lumpstogether everything from nuclear power to the endangered species.

e find exceptional support for open spaceballot measures in simple comparisons and in fuller models of ballot measure passage

Arguing that “anyinvestment made in terminal elevators . . . would be a waste of the people’s money as well as a humiliatingdisappointment to the people of the state,” the committee came out “strongly against the expenditure by thestate of any money for the erection of new terminal elevators.”

Townley grew up on a farm.

he wasn’t like the city socialists. He saw more from thefarmer’s standpoint.

All this threatened agrarians’ already tenuousmiddle-class status

Economic divisions within the ruralmiddle class—between townspeople and farmers—emerged

A handful of village elitesand itinerant wage laborers represented the apex and the nadir of economic and social possibilities.

If you want Congress to protect farm owners, it may be wiseto elect more farm owners. And if you want Congress to stop pro-tecting farmers, it may be wise to stop electing them.

but the relationships areconsiderably noisier.

an increase in a district’s poverty rate is associated with adecrease in the likelihood that a legislator will support agriculture

Note, however, that the fact that thecoefficient on PAC contributions does not change much with theinclusion of other variables suggest that lobbying has an effect allof its own, i.e., that very little of what it captures is captured by law-maker preferences for agriculture or by electoral incentives

on agricultural policy.

awmakers who received more money from farmgroups were more likely to support agriculture in each of the rollcall votes

both parties when we examined whichmembers were designated Friends of the Farm Bureau, our mostcomprehensive measure of support for agriculture.

0.689

The first is the score given to eachlegislator by the American Farm Bureau Federation (

x is a vector of otherlegislator- or district-specific attributes, d s is an indicator variablecapturing whether a legislator is a senator, dj is a vector of statefixed effects, dt is a vector of Congress fixed effects,

measure ofelectoral incentives,

is a measure oflegislator preference for agricultural protection

whose constituents are indifferentor rationally ignorant about the groups’ preferred policies.

Or perhaps the institutional environmenthas somehow stacked the deck in agriculture’s favor.

conference

passage

whose members are often advocates ofagricultural protection,

energypolicy

Labor became ever scarcer in ruralareas and, as a result, the agricultural sector developed severallabor-saving technologies that allowed for increasing returns toscale in agriculture. Farms became bigger and fewer in number

which added a host of agricultural protection measures.The most important were price supports, which set the prices ofselected agricultural commodities equal to purchasing power par-ity for the period 1910–1914, which had seen high commodityprices and farm incomes

‘‘Inconclusive evidence of correlation between moneyand favorable legislative behavior.’’

Because many membersappear to have electoral incentives to—and because many of thosewho don’t seem to have other personal or strategic interests at stake.

endogeneity

is important to know what determines support for a set of mea-sures which most academic economists decry as wasteful

a leading agricultural advocacy organiza-tion

In this article, we explore how preferences, electoral incentives,and lobbying can influence legislative action on agricultural policyin the United States Congress

Interest groups representing agricultural producerslobby policy makers and contribute to the re-election campaignsof those who support agriculture

Voters prefer agricultural protection, andre-election-oriented policy makers follow their lead

In developing countries, the answer seems tobe that urban elites pressure governments to subsidize foodconsumption, often via the threat of social unrest

legislatorpreferences, (ii) electoral incentives, or (iii) lobbying.

the broad array of subsidies to farmers and taxesand quotas imposed on agricultural imports—in developed countries

It included the iron triangle, local governance arrangements, civic associa-tions, and most importantly unions.

The layering of multiple dimensions of decline andmarginalization is distinct to the region and has produced cultural distancebetween it and the rest of the country.

Trump has already ‘made America great again’ becausehe has conclusively demonstrated that the white privilege of denigrating minor-ities without consequence is alive and well

autarky

presidential politics, a capacity that had previ-ously been grounded on their unions, civic associations and their party

Itwas also rooted in expectations that are a legacy of white supremacy

ignores the role of lost working-class power and voicein the Democratic Party

If we interpret Trump’s ability tosecure votes as his ability to channel white revanchism against a morediverse society then it is possible to see the loss of relative status in theRust Belt as an important explanatory factor.

withholding their vote

the Democratic Party does not appear to be particularly con-cerned with the well-being of either

newly won and briefly held material afflu-ence

polemical

The opposition between the credentialled and the uncreden-tialled had its purest partisan expression in 2016

myopia

After getting sent to jail nearly 20 years later forracketeering, bribery and tax evasion, he ran for Congress again

Bill Clinton’s tradepolicy was widely understood as both a betrayal and an existential threat tomany communities in the Midwest

Theability of unions to anchor white workers in the Democratic coalition is gone.

because people of colour and the educated are likely to vote Demo-crat regardless of union membership

In 1964,unionization rates were well over 30 per cent in the Rust Belt, now they arearound 10 per cent

labour unions and political institutions unravel long after deindustrializa-tion itself

civic associations, theDemocratic Party itself, local growth-oriented elites, and social policies thatreflected the worldview of industrial workers.

More generally, as partisan conflict was reorganized aroundrace, issues of economic equity declined in importance.

enthusiastically supporting the political parties that oversaw and facilitated thedestruction of their communities

dynamics disorganizing them and capturing theiraccumulated wealth

From scrapyards in theupper Midwest, material was loaded on otherwise empty trains and ships forthe return trip to China.

Midwest were being sucked into a new urban vortex in China

Much less commented upon is theeffects of extreme devalorization on the physical structure of the region’s neigh-bourhoods and communities.

Thegeographic dynamics of this growing inequality are often overlooked.

unions were still hamstrung, a freetrade regime in international commerce was being established, and disinvest-ment was continuing unchecked in the upper Midwest

Clinton left office welfare was tied to‘character

Rather than beingthe ‘universal class’ associated with America, the industrial working class wasreclassified as a ‘special interest’ that was scuttling the American economy withits greed.

incentivize a shift ofinvestment from manufacturing to finance, tech and services, and ensure theinvestment would pay off due to lower risk and higher profits than other invest-ments

radical reorganization of geo-graphic privilege over the last forty years

While it is notthe most important inter-group tension in American society, it is one of themost clearly evident ones

peripheraliza-tion in economic and political terms.

Indeed, looking atvoting behaviour in this election it would appear that the poor and workingclass of the region are unified in their growing hostility to the Democratic Partyeven if they are not unified in their attraction to Trump.

White post-industrial communitieshave benefited from racial privilege, but this has not conferred any immunity.

it merely exacerbated regionalracial inequality

“Fordism”–that was distinc-tive to the mid-twentieth century upper Midwest, but which was widely mim-icked around the world (Gramsci 1989).

butdue to disconnection between communities and their party representatives

More importantly, the inevitable transformation and decline of place will shapethe values of those living there, just as the initial development of industrial soci-ety once did

kleptocracy

Organizations, institutions, networks and associations, in turn, poten-tially shape these into political subjectivities and moral values which can beinstrumentalized and expressed in politics, development strategies, and culture,which we can summarize as a ‘communal ethos’

Americans and from mostAmerican communities.

not the economic protections that would facilitatebroader social inclusion.

In Detroit alone the decline in black voter turnout wasseveral times the margin of Clinton’s loss in Michigan.

thefew rural counties that were not already solidly Republican and (2) post-industrial counties (see Figure II)

. For the first time in the history of thetwo parties, Republicans did better among poor white voters than among afflu-ent whites

this is a notable contrast to the ethnona-tionalist and protectionist candidates who preceded him

Today, the Democratic Party is a party of professionals, minoritiesand the New Economy

The counties Trump won – over 2,000 more in number –accounted for a much smaller share of GDP

but what is more recent isthe collapse of the institutions that had been built to incorporate industrialworkers and their communities into the mainstream political life of the country,including governance arrangements, work and consumption arrangements, civicassociations, social policies, party organizations, and labour unions

to explain the largely enthusiastic support for Obama in thesesame counties

This way of thinkinghas set up an unproductive discussion of the relative explanatory power ofrace and class.

But the collapse of the regional economy has alsoresulted in the collapse of the institutions and organizations that provided thoseconnections.

with the plight ofthe industrial Midwes

Clinton lost the election because of radicaldeclines in support from within the Democratic coalitio

Due to this, the party pursued poli-cies that would magnify the region’s difficulties rather than alleviate its cir-cumstances

From thisperspective we can see that the active dismantling of the Fordist social orderset the region on a divergent path from the rest of the country

revanchism

This paper argues that the election of Donald Trump is the product of a con-fluence of historical factors rather than the distinctive appeal of the victorhimself. B

pers and magazines the “Trump Democrats” narrative and its historicalantecedent—stories about Ronald Reagan’s capture of the industrial Mid-west—will return with a vengeance once campaigning for the 2020 presi-dential election begins in earnest

Yet, as compelling as these critiquesmight be, they have had little effect on the broader narratives. Indeed, thepublication of articles on “Trump Democrats” continued without sign ofabatement.

politics was often shaped or driven moreby a desire to resolve problems that seemed to imperil the whole commu-nity than by deeply held ideological principles

challenges narratives that depict the 1980s as a de-cade of growing antitax, antigovernment conservatism.

As aresult, neither of the constitutional amendments was approved when thequestion was put before Ohio’s voters

At a state level, tax rises were even more commonplace. Much as withCleveland and Detroit, it was often fear of default and fiscal emergencydriving these decisions.

64 percent of voters supported the taxincrease

It is the revenue side of the budget whichmust be increased.

the political centerof gravity in the industrial Midwest did not shift decidedly to the rightduring the Reagan years. Perhaps most importantly, it also demonstratesthat though national politicians may have rediscovered the market andembraced a politics of antistatist individualism, this was not a develop-ment that inevitably led (or trickled down) to state and municipal politics

Cleveland’s Republican mayor George Voinovich described cuts infederal government urban programs as being carried out with “a meatax” rather than a “scalpel.

Young and his diverse coalition of public and private sector supportersembraced the Ford administration’s offer of funding for the constructionof a major new mass transit network.

Sincemost US cities depended on property and income tax revenues to providemunicipal services and maintain infrastructure, this eroded municipalrevenues

The economic shockwaves created by these events helped producetwo recessions and the worst economic downturn since the Great De-pression.

the demise of the New Deal order and rise of anew conservative/neoliberal order.1

Despite this national and Missouri trendtoward conservatism,

he opposed the Nixon administration’sattempt to weaken the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and voted to approve astrengthened extension of the law. He supported labor and Missouri agri-culture by advocating for federal subsidies for cotton producers.*”

a Republican won the state—by a mere 20,488 votes over Democratic presidential challenger HubertHumphrey.

landslide by earn-ing the votes of more than one million Missourians.*

his views opposing the nation’s en-try into NATO and the Marshall Plan.

The destruction of this social philosophy is the aim of the conservativesand reactionaries of both parties.

if the State would be willing to have two Senatorsfrom Saint Louis at the same time.

Long cast his vote infavor of the Civil Right Acts of 1964 and 1968 and the Voting Rights Actof 1965. In 1966 Long published the book The Intruders: The Invasion ofPrivacy by Government and Industry,

must be noted that Hennings made singular contributions toMcCarthy’s ultimate fall

federal anti-lynching law.”

internalsecurity createdanewadministrativecriminallawapparatus,inviolationoftheBill ofRights.