then growth-oriented interests are necessarily excludedfrom city politics

often in response to threats totheir quality of life

has been the primary catalyst of metropolitan growth.

continued to be nestled close to industrial areas. It was onlywith the advent of the streetcar and the automobile that the proximitybetween work and home began to widen and an entirely new type ofplace arose, the bedroom suburb

thereby limited in the powers theycan wield

Yonkers, Mount Vernon, and Port Chester,which are seeking jobs and economic growth.

he type of place typically equated with politicalcontroversy

de-pends upon active citizens and municipal cohesion

suburbanization offers great promise for nur-turing America’s civic health

In general, Ifind few effects of institutions on any civic acts outside of voting

it is not a crucialfactor in shaping the civic actions of the mass public

edroom suburbs,” zoningcodes bar most nonresidential development and restrict the range of localpolitical conflic

By separating racialgroups along municipal boundaries, suburbanization stifles debatearound racial issues, effectively demobilizing citizens from public life.

People of all races in predominantly white communities are muchless likely to work with neighbors, contact officials, or lobby community

The first part of the chapter explores how suburbanization hascontributed to municipal economic differentiation

The Citizen ParticipationStudy is a large-scale, two-stage survey of a random sample of Americansconducted in 1989 and 1990.

less likely to have politicalcontroversies but may have stronger ties between neighbors

In some places, peopleare more familiar with their neighbors or host more local events; in otherplaces, people hardly know their fellow townsfolk. Where such people aresocially familiar, neighbors are more likely to talk about politics and re-cruit others for local activities.

we need to first determine why they are more interested in publicaffairs, how they acquire civic skills and resources, or why they are morelikely to be mobilized for political action.

interest

mobiliza-tion.

determinants

not take the social or political environment of therespondent into account

and that these increased opportunitiesstimulate citizen involvement

these behaviors outline the contours ofthis slippery and problematic term—“community

Using anysingle act as a measure, we may misrepresent the whole of suburbancivic life.

somehow lesscommitted to the localities and less interactive with their neighbors

In places with aricher associational life, citizens will be able to link more easily with theirneighbors, will be informed about local issues, and will express theiropinions to local institutions

According to manythinkers, the political norms and networks of reciprocity that citizens de-velop in voluntary organizations are vital for maintaining the health ofdemocracy.

Participating in voluntary organizations

Attending community board meetings

voters rarely determine specific policies and are usually justelecting representatives

Voting is also thekey mechanism for controlling political leaders, with the reelection man-date ensuring some responsiveness to citizen concerns. Thus the simplestand crudest way of gauging a polity’s democratic performance is to seewhether or not its citizens are voting.

they must regularlyarticulate their preferences to others and their political institutions

is maximizing the input of the citi-zenry.

the publicchoice model is not well suited for evaluating the democratic implicationsof suburbanization

such as the housing market, proximity toemployment, and such personal desires as proximity to family

“vote with their feet

Theorists of community power focusmostly on larger cities. Their analyses typically presume plurality of inter-ests within a community and then work to determine how well thoseinterests are represented within the policy-making process

Local government is the foundation of American democracy

then we canevaluate them in concert to understand the effects of suburbanization

age has become an increasingly prominent commu-nity trait

In today’s poly-morphous metropolis, land use distinguishes suburbs both from centralcities and from other suburbs

has taken theracial divisions that once separated neighborhoods within cities and insti-tutionalized them with municipal boundaries.

homogeneity

most architecturalcriticisms are simply too vague and unspecified to meaningfully designateplaces in the contemporary metropolis

putatively

Asidefrom their smaller size, middle-class Montclair, affluent Short Hills, andrural Hopewell have little in common that distinguishes them from grittyElizabeth or academic Princeton.

18million people in the greater New York area to 56,735 people in Enid,Oklahoma

Rather, the institutional change must be with the way thatmunicipal borders are drawn and land-use decisions are made.

Byencouraging certain residents to “tune out” local politics or to see them-selves as different from the greater metropolis, suburban institutions aredepriving the metropolitan community of vital civic capacity

by segregating the population and suppressing citi-zen involvement in community affairs, is depriving many localities andmetropolitan areas of their civic capacity and thus their ability to solvemany contemporary social problems

In other words, localitieshave relied upon their civic capacity to maintain the functioning and pro-mote the well-being of society.

It refers toall types of civic and political activities, be they softball leagues or politi-cal campaigns

so-cial conflicts that once existed among citizens are transformed into con-flicts between local government

Suburbs often distort this conflict mandate bydividing citizens along class and racial lines

should function so as to bring together most people within ageographic vicinity to collectively solve problems related to their area

suburbanization is underminingthe optimal functioning of America’s local democratic institutions.

they do not revealwhether any differences that may exist between suburban and nonsubur-ban residents are systematic.

Aswas demonstrated in Weimar Germany, a strong civil society is no guar-antee of stable democratic institutions or peaceful coexistence among the

for example,wealthy Beverly Hills, eclectic Santa Monica, residential Walnut, and im-poverished Compton are all one kind of place (suburb), as distinguishedfrom Los Angeles (city).

physical design and social composition of suburbs arekeeping them isolated and preoccupied with private concerns

community and fellow-ship among citizens.

many contain nothing buthomes, nothing but white people, or nothing but the affluent.

municipal identity

future work might pay greater attention to intra-statevariation in ballot initiative support as it pertains to the signalingmechanism

but future work might pay more attentionto the implications of substate decisions—and resulting potentialintra-state variation

i have shown thatthe policy landscapes in the states they represent affect the behav-ior of members of Congress.

this suggests that state-level legalization has notdisproportionately improved public opinion in the states where itis adopted, thus suggesting that public opinion shifts are not driv-ing observed effects.

would make it more difficult for graham to continue toblock legislation liberalizing marijuana policy at the federal level

made marijuana such a priority in the 116thCongress.

in addition to using its growing resources for lobbying andcampaign contributions, the marijuana industry has leveraged itseconomic growth to engage politically by mobilizing consumersand employees

the data reveal a sharp increasein lobbying from the marijuana industry coinciding with recentstate adoption of adult-use legalization

$130 per capita(an average of over a billion dollars in revenue

ifind that neither time since the initiative nor score of the initiativevote is associated with pro-marijuana behavior in Congress

state legalization had a stronger effect on roll-call votes on dOJ interference (which only would affect legalizingstates) than on roll-call votes for the MOre act

would have the strongest effects on support forsimilar federal legalization bills

political learning, and one mentioned policylearning

i do not find thatlegalization had a statistically significant effect on roll-call votingfor this bill.

Citizen initiatives and Billsponsorship Pre- and Post-Legalization Wave

we would expect an associationbetween initiative rules and congressional behavior on marijuanabefore the legalization wave

in-crease of .06 in the bill sponsorship score

which may be driven by the fact that sponsor-ship of this bill was more partisan than the others

demonstrate that citizen initiative rules are astrong instrument for legalization.

the saFe Banking act, the states act, and the MOreact

use took placelong before the 116th Congress.

this suggests that initiatives are atleast conditionally exogenous to congressional behavior on mari-juana issues.

generally holds more liberal views onmarijuana than representatives in state legislatures.

initiated a wave of state medical marijuana laws

total of $3.5 billion inlegal sales in 2014 to over $13.5 billion in legal sales in 2019

with a full 92% of those arrests just for posses-sion

xogenous variation in likelihood oflegalization

a greater share of variation in member be-havior is explained by partisanship, so a competitive district mightbe represented very differently depending on the outcome of aclose election

Public policies can also shapethe way citizens view government, and through these interpretiveeffects (Pierson 1993) shift political behavior

High taxes on marijuana are often used to fundstate programs in areas like education and criminal justice, andalso to bolster general fund revenues.

members of Congress have an incentive to sup-port policies that benefit business interests central to economiesin the places they represent

the organized interests that develop and growtheir economic presence will also have greater political sway

which types of firms establish and grow

in this way, the advocacy of regulated firmscan lead to the upward diffusion of state policies

they do not find similar resultsin the senate

in particular, whetherthey generated political gains for the politicians sponsoring them

this type of “snowball effect,” where prior policy adoptionat lower levels of government increases the likelihood of adop-tion at higher levels, tends to dominate a potential “pressure valve”effect—whereby lower-level adoption relieves pressure for policyadoption at the higher level

Put simply, policy makers often prefer to enact policiesthat have been shown to be effective in other contexts

find that state policy decisions in the area ofelectronic commerce have only minor effects on national represen-tation in Congress that diminish over the course of the legislativeprocess

and top-down vertical dif-fusion from the national level to the states

While there is much literature demonstrating dynamicsof horizontal policy diffusion across the states

voter behavior or interest groupmobilization, but also on the actions of lawmakers in Congress

these ef-fects are most likely to manifest in policy areas like energy andlabor in which both state and federal governments are active policymakers,

i find little support forthe view that effects were driven by positive shifts to public favora-bility caused by state legalization

isthat initiative votes generated a signal that allowed members ofCongress to learn about levels of constituent support

hasgenerated meaningful political-economic shifts in the states whereit was adopted.

can affect the ability of organ-ized economic interests to engage in politics and make demandson representatives in Congress.

Marijuana legaliza-tion allowed for the growth of a new industry that, once devel-oped, could sway gardner’s re-election bid

that is, members learn about policy innovationsadopted in the states they represent, and as a result are more likelyto sponsor and vote for similar policies nationally

has gained leverage in Colorado politics, compel-ling even conservative politicians like gardner to support industrydemands

influence of industry

instrumental variables analysis indicates le-galization influenced pro-marijuana bill sponsorship and roll calls in the 116thCongress.

empirically, i examine theeffects of state marijuana legalization

Members of Congress represent geographically demarcated districts em-bedded in subnational policy environments.

The practiceof this prosecutorial discretion is surprisingly political

The purpose of this study is to show that the presidentialuse of rhetoric is consistent with his motivation for managerial control of thepublic bureaucracy

Aggregated across the 89 districts, this reveals a sub-stantial impact by presidential statements at the case-processing level

Attorneys shifted thecomposition of their caseload in areas where drugs are considered a publicproblem

Local Priority Opinion

presidential signaling in that context

Clearly, the implementation of the War on Drugsinvolved the exercise of prosecutorial discretion.

the first examines cases handled and the second casesconcluded.

which helps clarify causality andaddresses concerns about potential endogeneity

Reader’s Guide to Periodical Liter-ature (extended to cover our time span). If media changes affect the Attorneys,we expect that the drug composition increases as mentions rise.

We test the hypothesis thatthe U.S. Attorneys’ agenda is positively influenced by congressional attentivenessto drug policy issues.

This accounts for theresources provided by Congress and the president to the DEA for bringingcharges in drug cases.

by which cases are referredby investigating agencies

We expectthat the Attorneys’ offices’ attention to drug cases will be positively influencedby the degree of presidential rhetorical emphasis on drug policy.

I had to figurethese things out like any other American, by studying his speeches and reading newspapers

presidents’ prioritization of drug policy in their public discourse.

when an Attorney prosecutes it incourt.

U.S. Attorneys’ prosecution of drug crimes: as the composi-tion of presidential statements regarding narcotics increased, the narcotics com-position of the U.S. Attorneys’ caseloads also increased.

Their relative independence puts a premium on other less formalcontrol mechanisms

but the U.S. Attorney retains the final decisionto prosecute

Overall, total federal spending increased from 1.5 billiondollars in 1981 to 9.7 billion dollars in 1990

by“communication, exhortation, [and] symbolic position taking

political leaders mayexercise agency leadership by choosing and expounding common goals throughpublic rhetoric,

because of specific monitoringproblems inherent in principal-agency settings

Rhetoric is a means for pres-idents to offer and secure a national agenda

We address the president’s ability toaffect the attention patterns of public agencies by sending policy priority signalsthrough public rhetoric.

exercised in part through politi-cal appointees

shows that presidential atten-tion drives public concern in economic, foreign, and civil rights policy

Presidential rhetoric shapes the priorities of the administra-tive agents over whom he seeks managerial control

twenty-first century

state’s second face and must work to build a less distortedaccount of American politics that reflects—as more than an unfortunate anomaly—the politicallives of RCS communities.

repression, subjugation, and social control

rather than as resourceful, creative, anddeliberate political actors

strengthen racial learning,diminish faith in the American Dream, reduce individuals’ senses of their equal worth, exacerbateperceptions of individual and group discrimination, and cultivate “serious misgivings about theextent of equality

genuine physi-cal education through which the individual interiorizes his social position

In this way, police act as messengers for therules of a racialized class system, teaching people in RCS communities what to wear and howto comport themselves, which public spaces to avoid, and what kinds of actions are forbidden tothem

assuming the position of a second-class citizen, or three-fifths of a citizen, or a denizen, oran at-will citizen allowed autonomy only at the discretion of the law officer

take thestand” to demonstrate their law-abidingness before ever going to court

experiences of pain into collective narratives

of identity and practices ofsocial valuation

criminal stigmabecomes a wellspring of racial stigma

Brandedas criminals, individuals experience limited access to social, political, and economic goods, rangingfrom jobs, professional licensing, and even school opportunities to social welfare benefits andvoting

basis of appearance: baggy pants, red or blue clothes

symbolically marking RCS communities as in need of oversightand contrasting their residents against “law-abiding” citizens who need protection from threat-ening elements in RCS communities

Police encounters in public spaces functionas daily rituals indicating who is suspicious, who can be trusted with freedoms, and who deservesthe benefits afforded to citizens in full standing;

Rather, political actors construct and reconstruct race as they use institutions to dividepopulations, define the terms of their relations, and subject them to different modes of governance

Yet our subfield has little to say about how policing and criminal justice constructrace and class themselves, or indeed how policing itself may “recreate and enforce the country’sracial divide

functions that provided broad and amorphous powers to deeply intervene into the daily lives ofthe urban poor

In the JimCrow South, welfare officials facilitated the exploitation of black workers by applying “employablemother” rules, using vague eligibility rules to deny benefits, inspecting homes for moral violations,or simply shuttering the welfare office when hands were needed in the fields

“mental health facilitators,school disciplinarians, public housing managers, and guards against park trespassing

to discipline clients and aggressively investigate and prosecutecases of welfare fraud as felonies

this profile fits nearly perfectly the classic Europeanmodel of a state against which the U.S. is usually contrasted.

This engendersin him a distrust and resentful attitude toward all public authorities and law officers

hey are subject to state failures to provide securityfrom violence and deprivation (see, e.g., Kennedy 1998, Muhammad 2010, Fortner 2015, Leovy2015, Miller 2016), yet also subject to state projects of repression and discipline that work to sus-tain subjugation

Residents turnto the police in an effort to mobilize state powers on their behalf, and they target police when theyrise up to contest state powers over their lives.

police stops and criminal custody have become normal and expected experiencesof government

governcitizens, regulate their behaviors, revoke their freedoms, redefine their civic standing, and imposeviolence on them

apolitical

ordinary citizens

urban neighborhoods and serviced race- andclass-based residential segregation

The new regime “creat[ed]hundreds of thousands of additional contacts between police and the policed

urban problem solvers

disciplining poor and disordered communities,targeting people not because they were serious criminals but because they were precarious andpowerless: policing based on “their status as people with problems but without property

Yet scores of studies revealed troubling evidence:High-volume stops and low-level arrests were weakly correlated with crime but showed a strongconnection to race, poverty, and place

were to the newgeneration what the Jim Crow rituals had been to the generation before

target areas, find suspicious individuals, question them until they consent to search, and get luckyby finding something on them

elimination of disorder and theregulatory enforcement of codes against disordered people and places.

Figuratively speaking, it was thewindows community members had broken and failed to repair that now conveyed and fomenteddisrespect and disregard for the law

Civil order violations and misdemeanor offenses rosequickly and became a far more frequent gateway to criminal adjudication, as arrested individualsfrequently pled guilty to small-time infractions to avoid sitting in jail

argument was that police should moveaggressively against minor infractions, no matter how peripheral to public safety they seemed

federal resources flowed to local police with little categorical restraints onhow they should be spent.

(and what they teach by what they do) has implications beyond policing.

expanded, deepened, and routinizedpolice involvement in the daily lives of RCS communities

the growing infrastructure of immigrationpolicing

including those with police, jails, courts, bail offices, housingauthorities, and the gamut of other street-level bureaucracies that encircle the poor.

from too much government engagement—in the forms of supervision,interference, and predation.

has been diverted from serious political analysis of policing andrelated criminal justice operations by its steady focus on national contests over electoral and policyoutcomes

officials that exercise social control and encompassvarious modes of coercion, containment, repression, surveillance, regulation, predation, discipline,and violence.

second face

black and Latino residents as suspect populations andsubjecting them to similar projects of “extractive policing” and “government seizure”

extract revenues for the municipality