Butcher, Le Roi. 1971. “The Anderson Affair.” In Let the Niggers Burn: The Sir George Williams University Affair and its Caribbean Aftermath, edited by David Forsythe, 76–110. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Google Scholar

Abraham 2021

e, I had a political history and a conviction which was “Misdemeanour – Illegal occupation of the computer centre at Sir George University.” T

I used to travel to the US a lot. After the trial, I often couldn't get across the border. I would get stopped all the time; I believe my name was on an “undesirable” list. At the time, I used to work with an international land development company with

e had a jury trial, but we did not achieve a not-guilty verdict as we should have. I

Most of the foreign students were represented by their countries’ consulates, and after the first trial, they pleaded guilty, were fined, and had to leave Canada.15 M

Well, I was certainly on the list that the RCMP and police departments kept of the “usual suspects” that they would call “revolutionaries,” “agitators,” or “radicals.” Anytime there w

re was. For instance, we went to Halifax on more than one occasion. Halifax was like the Southern United States with more Black people who were discriminated against, and many were living in very poor conditions, and everybody knew it. C

We felt it was deliberate. Because if you're a student, you don't have any money, how are you going to live when you have no job and now you can't go back to school? Because you are banned from the university, and you have to live for six months before you go back to court again. This went on for years.

was not a riot, it was a protest that the police came in and disturbed. S

After we were arraigned and charged, nobody was given bail for days. The men were in the men's jail and the women were in the women's jail. And when the bail finally got set, i

People like me stayed behind to clean up the computer centre before we left. But I believe it was part of their strategy, because had we not thought that it was over, there would have been more like three hundred students arrested as opposed to ninety-seven.

sit-ins were very common at universities. The

ssues were not being dealt with seriously by the university. Once I knew about the sit-in, I familiarized myself with the facts and started interacting with the other students involved and by then the sit-in was starting to grow larger

After a mostly peaceful protest, police were called on the morning of February 11, 1969, and the students were arrested and jailed. After formal charges, they were hauled before the courts in lengthy legal trials that f

ack Voice (May 1972 to October 1974). These groups andinstitutions made critical contributions to the social development and quality oflife of black Montrealers and Canadians at a crucial stage in the community'sevolution. And in so doing, they also m

central figure in the organizing of theactivities of the Caribbean Conference Committee and the Congress of BlackWriters, by 1969 he was a seasoned political activist who had established ties withStokely Carmichael and other prominent black political leaders in the UnitedStates and across Canada. A

als. He accused the students of momentarilytransforming "radical politics into a pseudo-Freudian passion play in which eachparticipant could become his own hero, martyr,

many ways, this shift in consciousness was symbolized by thesupplanting of "Negro" and "Colored" with "Black," although many among theolder generation obstinately refused to identify with the word "Bla

n the l

he Canadian public could no longer turn a blind eyeto the ugly face of racism in Canada because it had been placed right on theirdoorstep.

s the Sir George Williams Affair, more than any other single event,that illustrated the militancy of the black Canadians in the face of white racism

Some of the students were forced to return to the Caribbean indisgrace in the eyes of family members, and without their coveted degrees.Others lost job prospects in Canada and faced insults from bewildered and angrywhite Canadian

dia and general public seemed to be moreconcerned with the fact that the university's computers had been destroyed thanwith the impact of the incident on the students.74 While the students would betried and punished for damaging the university's property, neither the professornor the university, Hector lament

ety-seven people had been arrested fortheir roles in the Sir George Williams Affair, forty-two of whom were black.73 Agreat deal has been made of the damage to the university's pr

firmed. Some among the crowd outside began the incendiary chantof "Let the Niggers Burn!

n a large crowd had gatheredoutside the Sir George Williams Hall Building. For weeks, the general public hadbeen saturated by the media with the idea that the protesters were rabble-rousers,violent communists, or Maoist agents.71

me of the protesters fire-hosed the police as they tried to enter thecomputer room.

pread that a putative settlement had been reached between theadministration and the students, they finished cleaning up the computer centerand began trickling out.69 It was only when the police stormed the computerroom that the hapless remaining occupants realized that no form

with the university administration, insisting that their complaint be addressed.As discussions between the students and university officials floundered, thestudents decided to up the ante of their grievance. Following an impromptu rallyon 29 January 1969, over 20

ing among the students wasthat the complaint was not being taken seriously.66 Several of the complainantsand eventual protesters at Sir George had either attended the e

protest itself began the previous year whenseveral students, most of whom were black (along with Asians) lodged acomplaint to the university administration against Perry Anderso

duced to a dismissivefootnote at the end of the book where Winks describes the event as a"thoughtless, needless, and frustrated destruction of the twentieth century'ssymbol of quantification, the ultimate equality?Sir George WilliamsUniversity's computer centre," before casually adding that the event "set offextensive Black Power rioting in Trinidad."

n Quebec the French Canadians are not subject tothis irrational racism that has done so much wrong to the workers, white andblack, of the United States. They can take no credit for that, since in Quebecthere is no 'black problem

side from the McGill Daily which,along with Quartier Latin of the Universit? de Montr?al, was one of theexemplary student papers of that era, Walter Rodney lamented the fact that thepress was primarily concerned with reporting on "nice little juicy bits aboutviolence" and failed to recognize the historic significance of this internationalgathering on Canadian soil.44

t "modern whiteoppression ... has always sought to justify its oppressive control over the otherraces by resorting to arrogant claims of inherent superiority, and attempting todenigrate the cultural and historical achievements of the oppressed peoples."

Rosie Douglas of Dominica, a founding member of the CCC, who addressedthe issue of racism in Canada.2

gave birth to what may rightly be termed a Canadiandimension of the evolving "Black Radical Tradition" that political scientist CedricJ. Robinson describes as being rooted in the history of black resistance and "anaccretion, over generations, of collective intelligence gathered from struggle

George Lamming had the following remarks ofpraise for the Conference Committe

idea of going back home to "make a contribution" towards building postcolonial Caribbean societies. It was with this goal in mind that a small group ofCaribbean women and men?among them Robert Hill, Anthony Hill, AlvinJohnson, Hugh O'Neile, Rosie Douglas, Anne Cools, Franklyn Harvey, and AlfieRoberts?came together in Montreal in 1965 to form the Conference Committeeon West Indian Affairs, or the Caribbean Conference Committee (CCC

ressured the Canadian government to retract its "climateunsuitability" clau

They represented the familiar circle of kin, neighbours and friends: acelebration of identity

cu

s rammed into his rectum with a stick. Women were gang-raped by the guards. Peopl

Japan as former militaryviolence and Japan as postwar economic and cultural desire.

odyguards of the Last Governor belongs to the Hong Kong cinemagenre that is replete with crass inside jokes, political satire, and local refer-ences. The anti-Japanese scene described above, however, poignantly re-veals the duality of “Japan” in postwar East Asia:

Some students of colonialism are rereadingthose archives and doing oral histories with people who lived those archivedevents to comment on colonial narratives of them.

tted her memories of the war, and her c

Confederacy is 5,000,000, and, therefore, to fill up the ranks of the proposed army, 600,000, about ten per cent of the entire white population, will be required. In any other country than our own such a draft could not be met, but the Southern states can furnish that number of men, and still not le

? If all labor, black as well as white, became free -were given schools and the right to vote -what control could or should be set to the power and action of these laborers? Was the rule of the mass of Americans to be unlimited, and the right to rule extended to all men regardless of race and color, or if not, what power of dictatorship and control; and how would property and privilege be protected? This was the great and primary question which was in the minds of the men who wrote the Constitution of the United States and continued in the minds of thinkers down through the slavery controversy

he system of slavery demanded a special police force and such a force was made possible and unusually effective by the presence of the poor whites. This explains the difference between the slave revolts in the West Indies, and the lack of effective revolt in the Southern United States. In the West Indies, the power over the slave was held by the whites and carried out by them and such Negroes as they could trust. In the South, on the other hand, the great planters formed proportionately quite as small a class but they had singularly enough at their command some five million poor whites; that is, there were actually more white people to police the slaves than there were slaves. Considering the economic ri

specially where authority must be sometimes delegated by the planter to agents of inferior education and coarser

It was in part psychological, the enforced personal feeling of inferiority, the calling of another Master; the standing with hat

d and undermined it. He must not be. He must be suppressed, enslaved, colonized. And nothing so bad could be said about him that did not easily appear as true to slaveholders.]

[Again in 1716, Jews and Negroes, who had been voting, were expressly excluded. In Georgia, there was at first no color discrimination, although only owners of fifty acres of land could vote. In 1761, voting was expressly confined to white me

Black labor became the foundation stone not only of the Southern social structure, but of Northern manufacture and commerce, of the English factory system, of European commerce, of buying and selling on a world-wide scale; new cities were built on the results of black labor, and a new labor problem, involving all white labor, arose both in Europe and America.

First

and to appease the moral sense of civilization

two points of view, so obvious to Americans, and then without further ado, I am assuming the truth of the first. In fine, I am going to tell this story as though Negroes were ordinary human beings, realizing that this attitude will from the first seriously curtail my audience.

bout the impact and life of somebody like John A. Macdonald, but rather that we began thinking about the impact of his policies and decisions from a broader and more diverse range of perspectiv

Ultimately, debates around Macdonald’s legacy and genocide have been driven primarily (but not entirely) by forces outside of the academy, primarily – in this case – by conservative critics as well as Indigenous activists, scholars, communities, nations, and their allies.

work

ertrude Stein would write, differently, via itself asrepetition -like a copy or perhaps more like a ritual- as an echo in the ears of a confidante, an audiencemember, a witness.

Whether that ritual repetition is the attendance todocuments in the library (the acts of acquisition,the acts of reading, writing, education) or thefamily oral tales of lineage (think of the AfricanAmerican descendents of Thomas Jefferson), orthe myriad traumatic re-enactments engaged inboth consciously and unconsciously, we refigure'history onto body-to-body transmission. In linewith this configuration performance does notdisappear, but remains as ritual act- ritual actswhich, by occlusion and inclusion, script disap-pearance. We are reading, then, our performativerelations to documents and to documents' ritualstatus as performatives within a culture that privi-leges object remains. We are reading, then, thedocument as performative act, and as site ofperforman

Indeed performance in this light can be figuredas both the act of remaining and a means of appear-ance.

undo anunderstanding of performance as remaining

'radically new kinds ofarchives, of which the most characteristic are oralarchives'

It isarguably foreign to practices in popular culture,such as the practices of American Civil Warre-enactors who, often motivated by a distrust ofdocuments, consider performance as precisely away of keeping memory alive - making sure it doesnot disappear.

ebased if notdownright feared as destructive of the pristineideality of all things marked 'original

eclaring that thepractices of'body to body transmission', such asdance and gesture, meant that 'you lose a lot ofhistory'. Such statements assume that memorycannot be housed in a body and remain, and thusthat oral storytelling, live recitation, repeatedgesture, and ritual enactment are not practices oftelling or writing history.

And yet, in privileging anunderstanding of performance as a refusal toremain, do we ignore other ways of knowing, othermodes of remembering, that might be situatedprecisely in the ways in which performanceremains, but remains differently

erformance can rupture the ocularhegemony

rmance cannot reside in its materialtraces, and therefore it 'disappears'

ogic of the archive, perform-ance is that which does not remain

If we consider performance as a process of dis-appearance, of an ephemerality read as vanishment(versus material remains), are we limiting ourselvesto an understanding of performance predeterminedby our cultural habituation to the logic of thearchive?

performance

archive

Remains

Flesh, that slippery feminine subcutaneousness, isthe tyranny and oily, invisible-inked signature of theliving.

As theories of trauma and repetition mightalso instruct us, it is not presence that appears inperformance but precisely the missed encounter-the reverberations of the overlooked, the missed,the repressed, the seemingly forgotten. Taken fromthis perspective, performance does not disappearthough its remains are immaterial- the set of actsand spectral meanings which haunt material inconstant collective interaction, in constellation

Performance

sang

were sponsoring groups of Opera performers to go perform in Chinatowns across North America.

to hear her voice over the dramatic Chinese music. It felt shocking to my English-speaking ears. 

or Jacqueline i

But this is also a book about minstrels, or more generally, about pop-ular culture. It was through the minstrel show and popular music thatLavallée found opportunities to see the world and attain a degree offame, if not fortune. It is through the minstrel show paper trail – adver-tisements, reviews, and published songs – that we track his movementsas a travelling music director. Details about the performances he led re-veal much of the changing social landscape of the 1860s and 187

At the same time, he remains active within theFrench-Canadian community in New England, composing occasionalpieces and organizing concerts to raise funds for Catholic charities, forpro-annexation organizations, and for the family of Louis Riel

ean-Baptiste. Not long after this event, he once again left for the UnitedStates, this time with no intention of returnin

erformed, taught, and lobbied thegovernment on behalf of the arts.

pposition to Confederation lefthim with a difficult decision after it was approved by a vote in the legis-lature in March 1865.

Blackening his face

s. It was, in sum, an exercisein nation building that was without precedent in Canada.

by the police

e word at the end of a poetic line should bear the weight of imaginative or musical scrutiny. The end word of a line is highly visible and audible. Never end lines on weak words unless there is a strong expressive necessity. The end words—rhymed or unrhymed—should generate energy for the poem.

overall formal power of the poem cannot be achieved if lineation is done carelessly.

t is one reason that poetry can be quoted with such advantage.

ndividual line is the microcosm of the total poe

Filling out a pattern is not sufficient justification for a line of verse.

Each poetic line has two complementary obligations—to work well within the total pattern of the poem, and to embody in itself the power of poetic language. The successful poem does not merely balance those differing obligations; it uses them as partners in a seamless dance. Unless they dance, there isn’t poetry, only versified language.

pressive value of all disruptions should be greater than the loss of momentum and the breaking of the pattern’s spell.

ine length should be consistent within a poem

eate a gentle hypnotic state that lowers the listener’s resistance and heightens attention.

establish a rhythm of expectation that heightens the listener’s attention and apprehension

ntuitively

There should be a reason why every line ends where it does. Line breaks are not neutral

each passive detail weakens the overall force of the poe

Denis

Crippled

allows the reader to share more intimately theexperience that is being articulated; and by introducing an a-logicalcounter-rhythm into the logical rhythm of syntax it cause

e line-break records? If readers will think of their own speech, or their silent innermonologue, when describing thoughts, feelings, perceptions, scenesor events, they will, I think, recognize that they frequentlyhesitate?albeit very briefly?as if with an unspoken question,?a'what?' or a 'who?' or a khow?'?before nouns, a

ncorporates and reveals the process of thinking/feeling, feeling/thinking, rather than focusing more exclusively on itsresults ; and in so doing it explores (or can explore) human experience in a way that is not wholly new but is (or can be) valuable in itssubtle difference of appro

ess pronounced

The closed, contained quality of such forms has less relation to the relativistic sense of lifewhich unavoidably prevails in the late 20th century than modes thatare more exploratory, more open-ended.

t semi-professional hockey leagues like t

Montreal is without question the capital of Canada's boxing and combat sports scene. Even before New Brunswick's Yvon Durelle waged a historic war with Archie Moore at the Montreal Forum in 1959, prizefighting and professional wrestling had long found a home in Quebecois society

According to Yvon Michel, Montreal is a city that supports all sporting events. Montreal’s athletes are seen as celebrities and boxing matches are seen as social events.

The four AM cries of my son worm through the double foam of earplugs and diazepam.

m and dia

e of enjambment allows him to dole out information bit by bit, heightening readers’ curiosity and the drama hidden inside a

subtle kind of mystery or anxiety, a

e enjambed, meaning they don’t end with punctuation or can’t be understood independently on their own

est way to approach the many ways poetic line can operate is to first examine how poets actually use it.

“prose is printed (or written) within the confines of margins, while poetry is written in lines that do not necessarily pay any attention to the margins, especially the right margin.

Why does a person or community members remember the past in a particular way?

some can only be shared in certain seasons of the year;

xplaining that oral historians and archives do not have any special legal privileges or protections to withhold information about criminal activity. In the event of a subpoena, the institution would be obligated to turn over any records or information in its possession.

onsiderations should also include how oral history projects operate not only to preserve history but as a working tool for aiding community efforts for social justice.

Decisions regarding preservation and archiving practices occur before the interview.

While interviewers may wish to highlight or focus on a particular subject matter, the incorrect structuring of the log outline might mislead the researcher about narrator’s point, focus, or intent.

Though these materials are normally considered confidential and the possession of the interviewer, they ignore how the interviewer might act to usurp or ignore the narrator’s own understanding of themselves and what they say. Narrators should receive a copy of audio, transcript, associated notes, time log, and proposed index to allow for clarification, challenge, and alteration to incorrect or unclear information or perspectives.

Narrators and oral history project participants should be informed of participating funding entities involved in projects.

However, it’s also important to recognize that not all communities view the consent process, particularly the utilization of forms, as acceptable format for establishing agreement or partnership. I

e seek narrators not from the idea that their stories must be included in the historical record, but that the paradigms that excluded them in the first place are challenged and reshaped as a result

SJTF sees accountability as a protective pre-measure

What does it mean to stop avoiding how oral history work is politica

Unfortunately, historians andother researchers have no choice but to accept the historical facts oflife. Thus, it is the objective conditions of life to determine whichhistorical facts are important (in demand) and which are left inobscurity

The reason I would choose my birthplace as a field ofstudy is not only my personal interest, but the objective historicalfact that I have a comparative advantage in doing research in myarea, including lower opportunity material costs. Historians mustface the objective historical fact of a budget constraint for theirresearch. Historical facts are objectively produced at a materialcost. Historians are not free to choose: facts are not a free good

Someone (a historian who echoed Carr’s argument) asked mewhat was so important about my area that it deserved a historicalanalysis. My response was that the importance of the area is that Iwas born there. Thus, I created a demand and “paid” historians toinvestigate the history of Akarnania

History is what historians do and whatthey do is to determine what is historical and what is not. Historicalfacts are only one facet of it

At the end, historians decide what is an importantfact and what is not

should develop the habit of reading and interpreting the evidence at the same time.

he objective historian is also one who “penetrates most deeply” into the mutual method of fact and value, who recognises that facts and values are not necessarily in opposition to differences in standards emerging from disparity of historical fact, and vice versa.

does this by arguing that the standard for objectivity in history is the historian’s “sense of the direction in history”, which means the historian selects facts not on personal bias, but on the ability to choose “the right facts, or, in other words, that he applies the right standard of significance”.

He overlooks the reality that new evidence and new theory can offer new interpretations.

For example, Carr’s argument that facts are a priori decision of the historian, and that the historians’ influence on and the arrangement of these facts is what constitutes historical meaning. However, this gives rise to the risk of subjectivity and the outcome may not be an accurate representation of the evidence. 

. The writing is added to and subtracted from as he goes along. He found that his reading was more guided and directed by the writing as he went along.

A society which loses its belief in its capacity to move into the future will quickly cease to concern itself with its progress in the past.

The historian must seek to bring into the picture all known or knowable facts, relevant in one sense or the other to the theme and the interpretation proposed.

They are always refracted through the mind of the recorder

French history in the latter twentieth century was deeply affected by the Russian Revolution of 1917. Carr advises historians that equal importance should be given to the date and publication of writing as the name of the author when commencing on a study.

The modern historian on the other hand has the dual task of discovering a few significant facts and discarding the insignificant ones as unhistorical.

Their status as historical facts will depend on their interpretation.

he question whither also assumes importance, since the line of demarcation between pre-historic and historical times is eclipsed when people cease to live only in the present and become consciously interested in their past and future.

raw material for the historian,

He however asserts that fact without accurate interpretation is ineffectua

great history is written when the historian’s view of the past is illuminated by insights into the conditions of the present.

history is a continual process of interaction; a dialogue between the historian in the present and the facts of the past and the relative weight of individuals and social elements on both sides of the equation.

Carr’s theory of the subject of history is at odds with the modern idea of history as it has many branches such as social, economic, education history amongst others.

Carr, since people did not form into political organisations in the modern sense until the last two centuries he considers the history of the masses prior to the 1800s as insignificant and ‘unsound’. This is very narrow definition of history

the very act of asking a question the historian limits his choice of material – that he finds in the evidence that for which he looks”

oncludes that history in effect is determined by historian and as such it is the reflection of the historian’s time and environment.

mprobable that all sources regarding any one event can be attained. As such it is inevitable that some form of selection must occur.

e events are undeniable

Whilst, it is acceptable that the historian will be, to an extent affected by their environment, it does not necessitate that their interpretation will necessarily be biased. It is entirely possible that Meineckes has changed his opinion about the German government due to the appearance of new evidence. This point is exemplified by Elton (2002, p. 54) who states, “This is not a question of interpreting fact but of establishing it, and the difference resulting is likely to be differences in the degree and depth of knowledge, no more.”

how

e uniforms and cinder blocks.

musicians

For them, the border is a not an invitationto think about nations, music or politics: it is thewall of a prison

e virtual,

bridge blockade

mimeograph

The Eastern Door

met guitarist Rex Richardson, and toured across the U.S. in 1979 with Richardson, who set his poems to music.

Haida people in the Queen Charlotte Islands of British Columbia, as a ranch hand in the vicinity of Susanville, California, and doing archaeological field work with the Paiute people of Pyramid Lake

became an ironworker in his teens, working in various cities in the American West. In

nfluenced by European and American traditions. His grandfather was a school teacher at Kahnawake, exposed to the art of storytelling through the plays of William Shakespeare and the tales of Haudenosaunee.

raised in the Mohawk language.

“and showeth forth the ulcers that are covered withtissue,” thereby making “kings fear to be tyrants.

superior to both the philosopher ang thehistorian, because he is more concrete than the one and more universal than theother.

livelier and more affecting way than, nature does,

efense argues both that the, poet, erate els intervene r“withi ; is own wi

Halifax food scene inside and out

You love food, from

ry but stories from food and

beyond the mainstream and social media news a

provided a few African-Canadian boxers like Langford and George Dixon with temporary social momentum,allowing them to live relatively lavish lifestyles. But we should be careful aboutromanticising boxing as the first bastion of black Canadian "economic advancement.

, boxing is only "good for some black men, allowing them to escape thedeprivation of the slums, but for many, it merely reflects and aggravates their basicoppression

was revered by black and white Nova Scotians. As his careerwound down and his skills inevitably deteriorated, however, many of his white NovaScotian 'fans' deserted him. Practically blind, Langford was reduced to travelling with theBill Lynch amusement show, putting on boxing exhibitions against local boxers like JoeHartnett of Halifax. Not long after his Bill Lynch days, Langford was found living blind,penniless and alone in a small apartment in New York City

In interwar Nova Scotia the ring was by no means a place where racism and racialintolerance could so easily be surmounted. Even the most successful and celebrated ofAfrican-Nova Scotian boxers, Sam "the Boston Tarbaby" Langford, was unable to escapewhite hatred and its devastating effects. Langford was one of the most talented boxersin the history not only of Nova Scotia but the world. At the height of his career, hefought some of the best boxers in the world - Jack Johnson, Joe Gans, Joe Jeanette -travelled the globe in search of opponents, and won the Australian and Mexicanheavyweight championships.

ing that we are living the bestmoments with them infinitely.

lashists believe that when you die and your life flashes before youreyes, you will not view the few “important” moments of your life, but instead you will see everysingle one again, including the moment that your life flashes before your eyes

It is also common practiceto wear shoes a few sizes too small so that they squeeze on your toes, causing them to curl in,putting you in a constant state of standing on your toes.

Women and children received most of the clothing Johnson distributed:they accounted for almost 69 percent of his total expenditure on clothingduring this period. Outfitting warriorsand sachems accounted for i6.3 per-cent and I2.5 percent respectively and outfitting the dead only 2.6 percen

It accounted for fif-teen kinds of items and approximately66.5 percent of the total value of thepresents

Like many eighteenth-century gentlemen, he collected and displayed within his home "curiosities,"objects he valued for beauty, craftsmanship, or rarity. These includedwampum, bows and arrows, calumets, and Indian clothing. Other gentleman-collectors requested Johnson's assistance in procuring such items of Indiandress as beaver coats, moccasins, and belts.

Johnson sponsored Mohawk raids on Frenchcolonists and their Indian allies. In his expense account between December1746 and November 1747 he identified by name more than thirty Indianswith whom he conducted this busines

him of gr

Hendrick's costume added to his prestige and influence among Indians aswell. Much of his power as a sachem rested on his ability to funnel goodsfrom his European counterpartsto his fellow villagers. In this capacity, thepeople of Canajohariecould not have asked for a more productive emissary.From I70I, when h

. Realizing thatan impressive outfit, a well-orchestratedentrance, or a ceremonial presenta-tion of a gift could speak volumes, Johnson and Hendrick used the nonver-bal languageof appearanceto negotiate cultural borders

ohnson's accounts reveal that he distributed clothing to sachems and war-riors personally-often in one-to-one encounters-when going to war, hon-oring the dead, or entertaining friends. When he gave clothing to Indianwomen and children, he distributed it in much greater quantities and formore utilitarian reasons:on May 24, I747, for example, he entered a debit inhis accounts of ?49.I7.o for "Cloathing for their [Indian warriors']Womenand Children being naked."3