Much of the resources of digital preservation have been devoted to preparing for formats to go obsolete and require migration. I’ve been arguing for a long time that this isn’t a good use of resources. Before the web, formats used to go obsolete quickly, but since the advent of the web in 1995, it is very hard to find any widely used format that has gone obsolete. The techniques we have had for a long time, such as open source renderers and emulation, work well enough to cope with format obsolescence if and when it eventually happens; further work in this low-leverage area is a waste of resources. The most important aspect of the way that format obsolescence became not worth working on is that digital preservation had nothing to do with it. Formats stopped going obsolete for very fundamental reasons, not because digital preservation prevented it. Virtual machines and open source became part of mainstream IT for reasons that had nothing to do with preservation.

A model gives us acommon language to talk about the world.

They are, in Pickering’s sense, part of the mangle.

he concludes: “Realism is not about repre sen ta-tions of an in de pen dent reality, but about the real consequences, interventions, creative possibilities, and responsibilities of intra- acting within the world”

arad turns to the work of Niels Bohr. Bohr’s theoretical position is centered around what he calls “agential reality.”

austo- Sterling argues for sci-entifi c analysis that can answer the question how does the social become mate-rial? The strength of her perspective is revealed in her insightful analysis of what may seem an unlikely topic: bones.

Index contains more than a billion terms collected from over 400 billion hyperlinks to the homepages of websites

Uber has heretofore effectively controlled its workforce without necessarily being responsible for them in the eyes of legal and regulatory authorities

Drivers risk “deactivation” (being suspended or removed permanently from the system) for cancelling unprofitable fares.

Yet in the Uber system, the labor drivers do is actually shaped by two primary factors: the employer’s use of surveillant practices to effect “soft control” (Deleuze, 1990; Boltanski & Chiapello, 2007) over otherwise flexible independent contractors, and corresponding practices of resistance developed by those workers in the system (Ball, 2010; Levy, 2014).

Griswold, 2014; Hill, 2015; Hockstein, 2015; Johnson, 2014; Porter, 2015; White, 201

However, while these accounts might not describe every driver’s experience, the collected evidence nonetheless reveals several structural features of the Uber system that could potentially affect any driver employed.

Approximately 1350 total archival items were collected, documenting the activities and conversations of drivers through forum posts, interviews, and other personal contacts, including email correspondence with Uber Community Support Representatives (CSRs), selected out of thousands of posts made over a nine-month period.

Uber relies heavily on the evolving rhetoric of the algorithm to justify these information asymmetries to drivers, riders, as well as regulators and outlets of public opinion

Consider, for example, fictions whose duration is measured indecades to millennia, such as fundamental operating system design,the graphical user interface for human-computer interaction, NorthropFrye’s archetypes of literature, Galilean science, great literature and thecultural envelopes of mythology.65These, in varying ways and tovarying degrees, show the independence of the fictional in their abilityto create imaginative spaces that become the reality within whichpeople live productively and create other fictions.

computing would furnish no more than convenient access to data andcommunication among colleagues, as ‘just a tool’

fixed structures of knowledge.

Clifford Geertz’

I argue here that the point of all modelling exercises, as ofscholarly research generally, is the process seen in and by means of adeveloping product, not the definitive achievement.

Alan Perlis asked in one of hisdelightful epigrams, ‘that software is not like anything else, that it ismeant to be discarded: that the whole point is to always see it as soapbubble?’

Payload manifests only include the pathnames of files. Because of this, a payload manifest cannot reference empty directories. To account for an empty directory, a bag creator may wish to include at least one file in that directory; it suffices, for example, to include a zero-length file named ".keep".

er. The ethnographic seduction by victims and perpetrators of violence became, therefore, a font of, rather than an obstruction to, insi

The association of the words victim and seduction makes me vulnerable to the unwanted charge that I somehow imply the victim brought upon himself or herself the pain that was inflicted, while the mere proposition that victims of violence might mold what they tell us could contribute to their victimization and, ulti- mately, might cast a shadow on my moral standards. How can I question the horror stories I have bee

It is hard to say how generalizable our findings might be.

Patton (2002), for example, outlined sixteen types of purposive samples

These forms of organizational cooperation, that Engeströmet al.(1999)call‘knotworking’, are based on the weaving together of different activitiesaround the emergence of a partially shared object of work which keeps themtogether while also keeping them distinct.

Activity systems are, in fact, by defin-ition internally fragmented and inconsistent. The tensions and conflictsemerging from such contradictions constitute the origin and the source of

post-functionalist theories ofthe social

Rather than starting with the technology and examining how actors appropri-ate its embodied structures, or starting with actors and their rules and re-sources, this view starts with human practice, thus avoiding the dualityaltogether. The aim is then to examine how the practice enacts emergentstructures through recurrent interaction with the technology at hand.

making social rules accessible through discourse requires ne-cessarily that we interpret them

The idea that actors areknowledgeable and reflexive agents is fundamental to structuration theory

rules describe the regularitiesand generalized procedures used in the production of social practices whichare to be expected from those involved in them

The hammer as such acquires a separate‘existence’only when it breaks or islost: that is, when its unreflective use becomes problematic

The elevation of the value of theory and contemplation are infact an expression of the will of intellectuals to preserve their position among theruling class; as such, the priority of theory is based on material reasons and thehierarchy between the two is the result of a fraud

the aim of science is not that of producing theoretical knowledge butmore of obtaining practical mastery of the world in order to satisfy the practicalneeds of mankind

Within a couple of centuries of his death, the political dimension of ethics, andthe status and legitimacy that Aristotle had granted topraxiswere forgottenand replaced with an idea of knowledge and virtue as only the result ofcontemplative life.

Nussbaum 1986, p. 395

Practices need to bestudied analytically rather than descriptively (Llewellyn 2008). Advocates ofany of the strong programmes thus look with suspicion at the idea that work,activity, and practice can be described using lay categories and withoutreference to a specific theoretical tradition.

we thus need to take a further step and commit,in one form or another, to a practice-based ontology—that is, the belief thatmany social and organizational phenomena occur within, and are aspects orcomponents of, thefield of practices (Schatzki 2001, p. 2). We also need toconduct our analysis on the basis of such premises.

Feldman andOrlikowski 2011, p. 1241

While the two share an interest in the mundane and often unsungdetails of organizational life, the strong programme strives toexplainorgan-izational matters in terms of practices instead of simply registering them.

According to Corradiet al.(2010), the starting point of the current band-wagon of practice-based organizational studies can be traced back to thecontributions of three specific research streams.

Choosing one example or another is, however, highlyconsequential. Naming, defining, and exemplifying practices is already theor-izing them.

Practice theories are fundamentally ontologicalprojects in the sense that they attempt to provide a new vocabulary to describethe world and to populate the world with specific‘units of analysis’; that is,practices

it also steers away from views thatunderstand social affairs as mere symbolic exchanges between humans (as inthe symbolic interactionism tradition)

The contribution of a practice approach is to uncover that behind all theapparently durable features of our world there is always the work and effort ofsomeone

So, staging a free election hasto do not only with ideas and principles of free choice and determination butalso, for example, with how the practice of voting is carried out and whethersuch apparently mundane things such as anonymity of the ballot, whetherpolling stations are open long enough for everyone to vote, and how the votesare counted, are guaranteed

Jeff Lemieux pointed out the single most significant factor many people point to: the surrounding roads are far too car-oriented.

Our mission is to really create a top university community here,” says Eric Olson, a former Prince George’s County Council member who directs the College Park City University Partnership, a town/gown group that includes high-placed university officials, the mayor, and state senator Jim Rosapepe.

An advisor once challenged me to interrogate precisely the things that immobilize my imagination; I’ve never seen such paralysis as when we talk about assault.  Why is it that the conditions we choose are good to think with, while the things that happen to us are not?

Being watched made me watchful, obsessively engaged.  Preparing for a trial, a police report, a confrontation, I was aggressively attuned to my surroundings.  Hungry for detail, I filed facts away: the shifting clientele of downtown establishments; the quality of ice encasing different streets.  The exact setting time of the sun. 

Grint, K., and S. Woolgar. 1992. Computers, guns, and roses: what's social about being shot? Science, Technology, and Human Values:366-380

Actor-networks reach stability when they become irreversible. Irreversibility iswhen it would be either too costly to reverse the relationships or doingso becomes improbable. Reaching network stability requires: (1) successfully negotiating the enrollment of participants,followed by the (2) translation of an (3) obligatory passage point (when the sets of relations and those enrolled become (4) irreversible)(Latour 1987). Mobilization of network members ensues as a result of irreversibility and stability where social investment in the network reaches a point at which withdrawal would be unthinkable. The durability of a network is matter of the robustness of the translation. Networks collapse or undergo changes if the translation processes whichbrought the networks to their current state can revertor if the networks cannot resist alternative translations

Callon, M. 1986. The sociology of an Actor Network'in M. Callon. J. Law & A. Rip (editors) Mapping the Dynamics of Science and Technology. London: Macmillan

Social informaticsis a perspective, a way of framing,the particular dynamics of IS and ICT in social and organizational worlds.

Orlikowski, WJ. 2002. Knowing in practice: Enacting a collective capability in distributed organizing. Organization Science13 (3):249-273.

This process of making something (like a commodity technology or a particular artifact) personal is a ‘taming’ or training that take place over time. This may not lead to success (or a desired outcome) and domestication scholarship often highlights the churning or seemingly cyclical patterns of non-progress towards full acceptance/belonging. In studying this process, domestication emphasizes the relationships among the object, individuals and the larger social milieu in which this process unfolds (and often grants agency to the media messages and opinion leaders for framing the roles, uses and expectations of ICT).

To date, ANT’s conceptual vocabularyand methodological demands have beenused eclectically in ISresearch(Walsham 1997; e.g., Pouloudi and Whitley 2000).Numerous case studies inspired by ANT serve as a means to improve the understanding of IS researchers of the design and use of ICT, which is of significance for IS (Hanseth, Aanestad, and Berg 2004). And, there existsa prominent and meticulous adoption of ANT in the literature on information infrastructure. The size and complexity of infrastructural technologies such as groupware, and the characteristic that they generally build upon existing technologies, make researchers direct their focus from ICT or isolated technological artifacts to a more complex notion of IT infrastructure (Hanseth, Monteiro, and Hatling 1996). Several researchers have drawn upon ANT to account for the sociotechnicalnature of the information infrastructure which not only includes artifact but also human habits, norms, and roles, that may prove its most intractable elements (Jackson et al. 2007). For example, building on ANT’s conceptual vocabulary, Hanseth and Monteiro (1996)investigate how any given elements of information infrastructure constrain others, and how these elements inscribe certain patterns of use. To do so, they identify explicit anticipations of use by various actors during use, and the way these anticipations are translated and inscribed into standards

Akrich, M. 1992. The de-scription of technical objects. In Shaping technology/building society: Studies in Socioteclmical Change, edited by J. Law. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press

Rooted in a “...ruthless application of semiotics” (Latour 1999, , p. 3), ANT’s first premise isthat entities have no inherent qualities: theyacquire their form and functionality only through their relations with other entities9

The shift from technology as an embedded structure toward agency of humans reached its apex with the practice lens of Orlikowski ((Orlikowski 2000; Schultze and Orlikowski 2004). She proposes the notion of technology-in-practice, which refers to the structure of technology use enacted by social actors while they interact recurrently with a particular technology artifact. Seen this way, technology-in-practice is emergent and enacted, not embodied or appropriated

Woolgar, S. 1991. The turn to technology in social studies of science. Science, Technology & Human Values16 (1):20

Orlikowski, W. J. 2000. Using technology and constituting structures: A practice lens for studying technology in organizations. Organization Science11 (4):404-428.

Orlikowski, W. J., and D. C. Gash. 1994. Technological frames: making sense of information technology in organizations. ACM Transactions on Information Systems (TOIS)12 (2):174-207.

To do so, researchers must pay due attention to the process and content of technology itself. Shifting away from “the impact” of technology, this body of research tends to highlight how technology is constructed during research, development and innovation phases, and how structural and political circumstances of its development are reflected in technology. Over time,STS scholars have embraced severaltheoretical approaches. Three of the most prominent are:the socialconstruction of technology (SCOT), focusing on constructs like interpretive flexibility and relevant actors; thesocial shaping of technology (SST) drawing on concepts like configurationand trajectories;and,actor-network theory (ANT) which introducesnetworks, enrollment, translation and irreversibility

Latour, B. 2005. Reassembling the social: An introduction to actor-network-theory: Oxford University Press, USA.

Woolgar, S. 1991. The turn to technology in social studies of science. Science, Technology & Human Values16 (1):20

MacKenzie, D., and J. Wajcman. 1985. The social shaping of technology. Buckingham. Open University Press.

Arguably, critical social theory in these studies is mostlyrooted in the work of Jurgen Habermas and Michel Foucault.

meta-theory:

What this “relation to machines” might be, and how it affects social actors’ practices, however, is not elaborated in structuration theoryand analysis of these properties remains largely underdeveloped (Jones and Orlikowski 2007).

Schultze, U., and W. J. Orlikowski. 2004. A practice perspective on technology-mediated network relations: the use of internet-based self-serve technologies. Information Systems Research15 (1):87.

DeSanctis, G., and M. S. Poole. 1994. Capturing the complexity in advanced technology use: Adaptive structuration theory. Organization Science:121-147.

Mumford, E. 2006. The story of socio-technical design: reflections on its successes, failures and potential. Information Systems Journal16 (4):317

Lower status positions (service, support and administration) were often outsourced or transferred to temporary employment and given far less voice or status in the contemporary firm.

Carr, N.G. 2008. The big switch: Rewiring the world, from Edison to Google. New York: WW Norton & Company.

However,the sociotechnicalideals of the Tavistock Institute found fertile ground in Scandinavian countries. In the late1960s, “the Norwegian Industrial Democracy Projects” introduced the principle that technology innovation should improve work practices along with productivity measures(Thorsrud 1970). This was meant to empower employees to organize their own jobs. In the 1970s, figures like Kristen Nygaard–and more recently Bo Dahlbom, Pelle Ehn, Erik Stolterman andtheir students –pioneered the Scandinavianapproaches to the social analyses of computing.

Theessence of the early sociotechnicaldiscoursein ISisfoundin the proceedings of the “Human Choice and Computers” conference (Mumford andSackman(1975).

The second attribute of the Tavistock approach was the importance of worker involvement. At its core, Tavistock’s sociotechnical approach was interventionistand activist. As we notebelow, thisorientation to worker’s interests andactivism underlies the action-research orientation of Enid Mumford’s ETHICS and Peter Checkland’s Soft-Systems Method (SSM)(Checkland 1995; Mumford and Weir 1979), the participatory design principles that characterize the Scandinavian and Nordic scholarship , and perhaps some of the more contemporary design-centric approaches to IS

Tavistock scholars advocatedequal attention should be paid to providing a satisfactory work environment for employees. In this regard, the main innovation of the Tavistock research was the design of technology-supported work arrangements that could enrich work practices using multi-skilled jobs with workers organized intoteams.

In contrast to a-contextualizedand de-temporalizedapproaches, the sociotechnical perspective is premised on the embedding of the ICT/IS into the morecomplex worldof situated action: a world that is tightly tied to the characteristics of where the actions occur.

The underlying premise of mutual constitution isco-evolution among that which is technological and that which is social. Thefocusoninterdependency amongtechnology and human organizationis done by attending to material triggers, actions of social groups, pressures from contextual influences, and the complexprocesses of development, adoption, adaptation, and use of new (digital) technologies in people’s social worlds(Jones and Orlikowski 2007).

The poem is something seen, not just conceived

“There is no one ‘magic algorithm’ for identifying terrorist content on the Internet,” the company said. But it deploys technologies such as proprietary spam-fighting tools to supplement reports from the public to help identify people who violate Twitter’s user policies. During the past six months, these tools have helped the firm to automatically identify more than one-third of the accounts that were ultimately suspended for promoting terrorism, the company said.

Or so I thought! After deleting about 3200 tweets, however, I started hitting the end of the road. I couldn’t go back any further. I was super confused–why wouldn’t I be able to see my new 3200 most recent tweets, now that all the other crud had been deleted? Was it a caching issue? Had I hit a speed limit? Then I read the documentation more closely: The value of count is best thought of as a limit to the number of tweets to return because suspended or deleted content is removed after the count has been applied. Meaning: Twitter doesn’t actually delete your tweets, I guess. I suppose they just mark them as deleted, but keep those tweets you don’t want anymore to themselves. If that’s the case, that’s pretty creepy to me–and also kind of hilarious, since I’m pretty sure not deleting deleted tweets is against their TOS. Here’s what Twitter said while talking about Politiwoops, a service that showed politician’s deleted tweets that Twitter shut down:

the perfect web archive does not exist

How can we extend the same care and attention to the billion or so people who post to Facebook each day?

The Facebook user and the amateur intelligence agent are both enmeshed in a “neoliberal system of free labor,” voluntarily producing value for others — NATO, Facebook, whomever — while expecting no formal commitment or compensation in return.

Not only did institutional power survive the coming of the network society, it appeared to be thriving.

Utility used to post the Tweet, as an HTML-formatted string. Tweets from the Twitter website have a source value of web.

Library Is Not Effectively Managing the Selection and Oversightof IT Investments

The Left needs a vocabulary, and a self-understanding, that highlights and foregrounds the importance of constructing and expanding anti-systemic movements that aim to defeat systems of oppressive and exploitative power.

Moreover, the way we challenge everyday impacts should be informed by our understanding that they are not produced simply by individual actions, but by the operation of large-scale systems

But if we are to defeat colonialism and capitalism, we cannot do so one person at a time, or one interaction or relationship at a time.

It seems clear that the attentiveness in today’s Left activist subcultures to interpersonal dynamics within the movement reflects a genuine learning process. It is a step toward beginning to address problems that were, in effect, glossed over and ignored by phrases like “the people” and a complacent view of the prospects for building genuine “solidarity” and “alliances.”

These archiving endeavours were initiated by institutions such as the American University in Cairo, media initiatives such as Mosireen, by artists and citizens.

And so, new distribution networks appeared. Art as we knew it not only left the gallery spaces for the streets but also for online platforms, that is, for platforms of knowledge and spaces of resistance. Online projects, web-platforms and communities (Facebook groups) supporting the revolution were also in full bloom.

The present reason for this silence is obvious, and serious: that speaking out can put people in danger, in particular those who are legally responsible for NGOs or who are authors of even marginally critical work.

While surveillance systems have always been an integral part of Egypt's governance, if this is true, it is the first time that such an extensive system as the Deep Packet Inspection technology – enabling geo-location, tracking, and combing through Facebook, Skype, Twitter, among other social networks – is being used in Egypt (and most certainly like in many more countries in the world.) Since 2014, the crackdown on the Internet has been relentless.

Can we imagine a deed or gift for digital archives? Can activists/archivists negotiate consent between the owner of the content, creator of the content and subject of the content of the archives in the digital age?

Meanwhile, we who build digital libraries (which we hope future researchers will utilize) are designing new trauma archives. The open source software we build enables discovery for the collections of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and archival collections at Stanford like the records of the STOP AIDS Project. One should not attempt to engage with these collections without a sense of embodiment and advocacy. We need to push back against the notion of the dispassionate researcher, the dispassionate archivist.

From listening to historians like Davis, and from our understanding of psychology, it is clear that design decisions which divorce scholarship from emotional response are not in the best interests of our users

because they represent a single majority-rules point-of-view masquerading as neutrality

Try Google searches on every variation you can think of for women’s and girls’ identities and you will see many of the ways in which commercial interests have subverted a diverse (or realistic) range of representations

Although Google’s exact search algorithms are trade secrets and shift over time, we do know that they are based on a patented and published algorithm called PageRank, and that they work by defining relevance and significance by looking at what pages on the Internet are linked to most often on a given subject (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PageRank). This creates a majority-rules definition of relevance that masquerades as neutrality.

The techniques and software of surveillance are freely shared between practitioners on both sides.

We obsess over these fake problems while creating some real ones. In our attempt to feed the world to software, techies have built the greatest surveillance apparatus the world has ever seen. Unlike earlier efforts, this one is fully mechanized and in a large sense autonomous. Its power is latent, lying in the vast amounts of permanently stored personal data about entire populations.

I’mparticularly drawn to the meso-levels of infra-structures, where people create and rely uponnew forms of data as information. It is at themeso-level where ethnographers who exam-ine information systems (such as Peter Botti-celli,36Kalpana Shankar,37and Susan Leigh

Micro refers to the individual orpersonal level, the day-to-day practices thatmake up our lives. The meso-scale is theorganizational or institutional change that weseewithgroupsofpeopleacrossweeksandyears. Finally, the macro-scale refers to infra-structure over long periods of time, decades oreven centuries (what some have called the“long now”

To my mind, data’s impact on soci-ety and studies of data have reached a point forwhich it is now time for historians of comput-ing to historicize data directly.

However, if Twitter does not prominently describe how its Trending Topic algorithm works, then Zelda’s informational power is entirely dependent on the accuracy of other sources she may (or may not) have used to build her understanding of the information flows on Twitter.

What is important is that access to information about how this part of the platform works creates the possibility for the individual to make a choice. Choice creates the possibility for the expression of informational power. These possibilities are closed off when users do not have the basis of informational power from which to enter these fields of action.

The restrictions that arise from authorita-tive management of knowledge can be minimized with theparticipatory, inclusive, and representative knowledgeecology that is fostered by social, community tools,although an approach that is too decentralized runs the riskof having a chaotic approach to standards, or no standardsat all.

As outlined, there are several approaches to building webarchives—some developing from institutional mission state-ments, some from frustration with existing resources, and allfrom limited understanding of the end users’ needs. Tempo-rary ad-hoc practices that are developed to circumventobstacles were discussed in several interviews. All respon-dents described similar obstacles whatever their disciplinarybackground. The ways in which these obstacles are handleddetermines, among many things, the character of the result-ing archive, the limitations of use as set by access points tothe resulting archive, and ultimately the perceived value theresulting web archive offers to different communities ofresearchers

But we just found that there was no proper solution to do it. Welooked at Archive-It (the one from archive.org) but it uses Javaand has to be installed on a TomCat server and there aren’tmany web hosting companies that do that. We also talked toHanzo and it was just way too expensive. So we realized wewould have to build something ourselves and that meant gettingfunding. But no one was interested, they didn’t get why wewanted to archive something that was happening right then.

Beyond the public viewsof web archiving are those of funding institutions andresearch communities that do not see the purpose of archivingsomething that is happening now on the web.

Col-laboration and partnership are complex issues that are essen-tial to the success of large-scale web archiving projects

The more we isolateaccess to web archives from other archives, the less attentionthey will receive, and the less progress will be made.

but through each themethe conceptual and methodological differences betweenstakeholders can be seen as a foundational rift.

ethical guides

The lack of shared practices, accessible tools, and clearlegal and ethical guides were repeatedly named as obstaclesto advancing web archiving

For instance, several interviewees spokeabout what could be categorized as ontological and episte-mological approaches to web artifacts and identified theirinvolvement in both concrete local decisions and morewide-ranging professional debates on how best to integratearchives of such objects into existing collections

hey all spoke about obstacles to advancingweb archiving, reasons for those obstacles, and potentialsolutions to overcome those obstacles in different ways

Each inter-view aimed to solicit opinions, ideas and reflection from therespondent based specifically on his or her own personalexperience with web archiving.

Of the 17 people interviewed, 4are researchers in the social sciences and humanities, 9 arearchivists or librarians working on digital preservation proj-ects at their institutions, and 4 are technicians or softwareengineers building tools to support digital preservation

Since the webarchiving community is relatively small, we used a purpo-sive sampling method to identify some of the key experts inweb archiving

The risk, of course, is that without an ontological under-standing of those methods and collection development poli-cies, these collections may be difficult for other researchersto use. Furthermore, because these archives are built on ashoestring budget by a researcher who may have little tono understanding of archiving procedures, and no real tech-nological infrastructure to rely on, they are often inacces-sible to others, residing on the hard drives of individualresearchers

Approaches to web archiving tend tofall into three categories: large-scale collections, smaller-scale thematic collections, and idiosyncratic collections(Dougherty, Meyer, Madsen, van den Heuvel, Thomas, &Wyatt, 2010).

(Cho & Garcia-Molina, 2000; Fetterly, Manasse, Najork, &Wiener, 2004),

Although these pages are updated and refreshed continu-ously, older versions are rarely archived by content produc-ers

There is currently a wide gap between the researchers whoneed archival data sets to support their studies of onlinephenomena, and the archivists and other practitioners whohave the expertise to build such collections and the tools tomanage and access them

HALL: For the most part, the rules were basically you have to collaborate. So what they did was create kind of an internal Facebook page - for a lack of a better reference - where we all created groups. We joined groups, and then we would post as we researched, so we had one system in which we did the research, another where we posted what we were finding. And what was remarkable about it - this was what - in the truest sense collaboration. If I found something from India or Russia that I thought looked of interest, you know, you'd find somebody. You'd spend a little time looking at it. You'd go do an Internet search and see if you can find a footprint of this person anywhere. And then if you found that you'd post it. You might post some corresponding links. And particularly in some of the Latin American countries where resources are pretty slim and many of them are under threat, we are able to do a lot of the groundwork for them that then they could run with.

A recorded album can be just the same 20 years later, but software has to change

How do wedemonstrate that the digitized evidence of human rights abuse contributes in the dispensa-tion of justice or in preventing or ending injustice? In what ways do efforts to provide access todigital surrogates contribute positively toward social equity and access to life opportunities?Furthermore, what infrastructure must be in place so that this is achieved?

Moreover, while data collection strategies thatrecord numbers of visits and frequency of requests or borrowing may provide useful informa-tion, these data do not offer reliable measures of institutional impact or nuanced portraits ofaudience engagement (Saracevic 2009). Recent studies have noted the inability of a significantportion of institutions to demonstrate the value of their work beyond simple usage statistics andfrequency of visits (Davies 2002; Fraser et al. 2002; Lakos and Phipps 2004; Duff et al. 2008;Franklin and Plum 2010; Carter 2012; Chapman and Yakel 2012; Hughes 2012; Duff et al. 2013).

Projects such as the InuvialuitLiving History (http://www.inuvialuitlivinghistory.ca) and the Plateau Peoples’Web Portal(http://plateauportal.wsulibs.wsu.edu) provide platforms that support Indigenous knowledgesystems and values over digital access to the archival holdings of various institutions (Christen2011)

Meanwhile, corporations have stepped in to partiallyfill the economic void by offeringfunding and labor for digitization projects in exchange for control of information, causingthe increased privatization of public records.

As funding has been slashed for professional positions, repositories haveincreasingly relied on unpaid intern and volunteer labor, raising serious challenges for stu-dents and new professionals and lingering questions about the sustainability of the profes-sion

Here, the challenge is not just how to get more faces of color at the table but to interrogate thecultural foundations and accompanying power structures upon which the table is built.

For example, widespread professional resistance toIndigenous ways of knowing, as evidenced by the debate surrounding the Protocols for theNative American Archival Materials and the ultimate failure of the Society of American Archi-vists to endorse them, reveals how much more work is needed to open up pathways forpluralism in mainstream archival practice.

Furthermore, archival studiescannot continue to ignore burgeoning critiques of“human rights”as a neocolonial industryemerging from otherfields for much longer (Posner 2014

from the psychologicalimpact that processing records of violence may have on archivists

How would the archival conversation shift if we abandoned the rights-based model in favorof a feminist ethics of care? What happens when we begin to think of record keepers andarchivists less as enforcers or violators of human rights and more as caregivers, bound to re-cords creators, subjects, and users through a web of mutual responsibility?

an“ethics of care,”which stresses the ways people are linked to each other and larger communitiesthrough webs of responsibilities, is a more inclusive and apt model for envisioning and enactinga more just society (Gilligan 1982; Card 1991; Cole and Coultrap-McQuin 1992; Frazer, Hornsby,and Lovibond 1992)

At its core is the activeacknowledgment of cultural difference, Indigenous epistemologies, and multiple ways of know-ing as equally valid perspectives of knowledge creation (Christen 2011; McKemmish, Faulkhead,and Russell 2011; PACG 2011

To encourage larger societalparticipation in archival endeavors, archivists are called to relinquish their role as authorita-tive professionals in order to assume a more facilitative role in crucial archival practices of ap-praisal, description, and development of access systems.

provenance has been recast as a dynamic concept that includes not only the initial creators ofthe records, who might be agents of a dominant colonial or oppressive institution, but moreimportantly the subjects of the records themselves, the archivists who processed those re-cords, and the various instantiations of their interpretation and use by researchers.

Wallace (2010) writes that the term can appear so broad that itsmeaning can be elusive at best and, at worst, is watered down or co-opted by the very powersit seeks to critique.

Monegraph and Ascribe

sci-fi’s outsider heroes interrogate systems of power.

Ethnography in this dynamic arena eventu-ally necessitates a ‘technologized’ researcher (Lash, 2002, Lunenfeld, 2000).

I will argue in this article that everyday life takes place on the internet: there is no difference between online and offline interpersonal communica-tion (IC).

It is a disservice to users and ourselves to ask only how much or how often and to avoid understanding why or how. User research methods work best as an accumulation of triangulation points of data in a mutually supportive, on-going inquiry. More data points from multiple methods mean deeper insights and a deeper understanding.

In other words, we only know what we know and can only ask questions framed about what we know.

The most exciting part of my own work is feeling surprised with a new insight or observation of what our users do, say, and believe. In research on various topics, we’ve seen and heard so many surprising answers.

This is all to say that insights, answers, and explanations are limited by the breadth of a researcher’s understanding of users’ behaviors

He also splurged on the very best fake Twitter profiles; they’d been maintained for at least a year, giving them a patina of believability.

recursion, mixed-media or combinations of text-and-image, and virtual reality invention

What makes a DH project experimental now? How do the digital humanities benefit from experimental projects? And within the parameters of DH work that is now recognized as scholarship that counts, how can we make room for experimentation, for projects that might and sometimes do fail?

Insum,documentsprovidebackgroundandcontext,additionalquestionstobeasked,supplementarydata,ameansoftrackingchangeanddevelopment,andverificationoffindings

Understandingthepoliticalpreferenceofanaudiencecanbeimportantforpresentingtailoredinformation(includingorexcludinginformationtotheuser’stastes

Inourcase,theseareRepresentativesusingTwitter

liberal/conservativebias

removedforanonymity

Wepresentamethodforcom-putingthepoliticalpreferenceofanaudiencebyanalyzingtheir“following”behaviorandillustratethisapproachwithmediaout-lets,government,andinterestgroupsandthinktanks.

In follow-on research, we seek to collectground truth on PPD in new mothers, wherein we can empirically validate the relationship between the measures we predict and blues and deeper depressionexperienced by somemothers

The ability to predict significant changes in behavior and mood postpartum has broad implications.Thepostpartum behavioral markers exhibited bythesubset of mothers who we identified as showing extreme changes, resonate with the feelings ofhopelessness, dejection, anddepressive tendenciesseen in postpartum depression

We conjecture that the general social and psychologicaldistancing characterizing the circumstances of new motherhood is linked tosuch high attentional focuson oneself, and turns out to be a strong predictor of postpartum change for the extreme-changing mothersfor these measures of linguistic style

We compareseveral different parametric and non-parametric classifiers to empirically determine the best suitable classification technique, including linear, quadratic, discriminant classifiers, naïve Bayes, k-nearest neighbor, decision trees, and Support Vector Machineswith a radial-basisfunction(RBF) kernel[10]. Thebest performing classifier was found to be the SVM across all measures, which outperformed the other methods with prediction accuracy improvements in the rangeof10-35%.

uchdecreases indicate that these women are posting less, suggesting a possible loss of social connectedness following childbirth.

We filter the Twitter Firehose stream (made available to us via a contract with Twitter)

We chose Twitter because it is public and provides a longitudinal record of the events, thoughts,and emotions experienced in daily life.

71% when we leverage behavioraldata from only the prenatal period

training data

Within this context, we investigate the feasibility of forecastingfuture behavioral changes of mothers following the important life event of childbirth.

Im-portantly, given the ever-increasing amount of digital traces peopleleave behind, it becomes difficult for individuals to control which oftheir attributes are being revealed. For example, merely avoidingexplicitly homosexual content may be insufficient to prevent othersfrom discovering one’s sexual orientation

given appropriatetraining data, it may be possible to reveal other attributes as well.

moderately indicative of being gay

best predictorsof high intelligence

AfricanAmericans and Caucasian Americans were correctly classified in95% of cases, and males and females were correctly classified in93% of cases

58,466volunteers

obtainedthroughthemyPersonality Facebookapplication

were obtained from users’Facebook profiles

52,700

In contrast tothese other sources of information, Facebook Likes are unusual inthat they are currently publicly available by default.

The analysis presented is based on a datasetof over 58,000 volunteers who provided their Facebook Likes,detailed demographic profiles, and the results of several psychomet-ric tests.

However, with the exception of the group of academicsworking with King’s College Archives, it became clear that it was easier, faster andmore productive to get focus group members to respond to visual material.

uch of the content is veryemotive so may not be appropriate and also safeguarding issues at the College limitour use of student comments and their names

The responses East Sussexencountered at the Chailey School were similarly powerful, often angry anddisturbing, always revealing and creative

required to think about records in a more lateral way

A relationship of trust has developed betweenthe group and the record office that will be revisited in the future.

The evaluation of the pilots showed that the focus group model gave an effectiveframework within which record offices could work with a variety of diverseindividuals and groups.

other offices were keen to explore the expertise orexperiences of people who had worked with or been subject to the records.

Certainly, some of the archive pilots usedthis approach in choosing collections of records and focus groups: the RoyalGeographical Society sought the expertise of a group of Tanzanians on its EastAfrican collections.

imilarly, after the cataloguing event, most archivists arehappy to accept, though not always to incorporate, a correction, amplification orcomment about an existing catalogue.

RC’s majordeparture from earlier practice was that the resulting user-generated contributionswere moderated and added to the museum catalogue.

This participationcan manifest itself in our website comments, Wikipedia entries and online reviews;we contribute to consultation processes, we are interviewed for our opinions and weblog, tweet or otherwise share them across our social networks

If we step outside the archival goldfish bowl to look at the larger picture we can seeother powerful influences aligning with some of these ideas

So, citingHayden White, he argued that the archive should be used ‘not merely as a storagetechnique but primarily as a force for de-legitimation of mythified and tradi-tionalized memories’

‘It might mean providing space for researchers to embed their ownstories of use within the descriptive layerings...Itwould require engagement withthe marginalized and silenced. Space would be given to the sub-narratives andcounter-narratives...Itwould embrace a ‘politics of ambiguity and multiplicity’