Latour, B. 2005. Reassembling the social: An introduction to actor-network-theory: Oxford University Press, USA.

Woolgar, S. 1991. The turn to technology in social studies of science. Science, Technology & Human Values16 (1):20

MacKenzie, D., and J. Wajcman. 1985. The social shaping of technology. Buckingham. Open University Press.

Arguably, critical social theory in these studies is mostlyrooted in the work of Jurgen Habermas and Michel Foucault.

meta-theory:

What this “relation to machines” might be, and how it affects social actors’ practices, however, is not elaborated in structuration theoryand analysis of these properties remains largely underdeveloped (Jones and Orlikowski 2007).

Schultze, U., and W. J. Orlikowski. 2004. A practice perspective on technology-mediated network relations: the use of internet-based self-serve technologies. Information Systems Research15 (1):87.

DeSanctis, G., and M. S. Poole. 1994. Capturing the complexity in advanced technology use: Adaptive structuration theory. Organization Science:121-147.

Mumford, E. 2006. The story of socio-technical design: reflections on its successes, failures and potential. Information Systems Journal16 (4):317

Lower status positions (service, support and administration) were often outsourced or transferred to temporary employment and given far less voice or status in the contemporary firm.

Carr, N.G. 2008. The big switch: Rewiring the world, from Edison to Google. New York: WW Norton & Company.

However,the sociotechnicalideals of the Tavistock Institute found fertile ground in Scandinavian countries. In the late1960s, “the Norwegian Industrial Democracy Projects” introduced the principle that technology innovation should improve work practices along with productivity measures(Thorsrud 1970). This was meant to empower employees to organize their own jobs. In the 1970s, figures like Kristen Nygaard–and more recently Bo Dahlbom, Pelle Ehn, Erik Stolterman andtheir students –pioneered the Scandinavianapproaches to the social analyses of computing.

Theessence of the early sociotechnicaldiscoursein ISisfoundin the proceedings of the “Human Choice and Computers” conference (Mumford andSackman(1975).

The second attribute of the Tavistock approach was the importance of worker involvement. At its core, Tavistock’s sociotechnical approach was interventionistand activist. As we notebelow, thisorientation to worker’s interests andactivism underlies the action-research orientation of Enid Mumford’s ETHICS and Peter Checkland’s Soft-Systems Method (SSM)(Checkland 1995; Mumford and Weir 1979), the participatory design principles that characterize the Scandinavian and Nordic scholarship , and perhaps some of the more contemporary design-centric approaches to IS

Tavistock scholars advocatedequal attention should be paid to providing a satisfactory work environment for employees. In this regard, the main innovation of the Tavistock research was the design of technology-supported work arrangements that could enrich work practices using multi-skilled jobs with workers organized intoteams.

In contrast to a-contextualizedand de-temporalizedapproaches, the sociotechnical perspective is premised on the embedding of the ICT/IS into the morecomplex worldof situated action: a world that is tightly tied to the characteristics of where the actions occur.

The underlying premise of mutual constitution isco-evolution among that which is technological and that which is social. Thefocusoninterdependency amongtechnology and human organizationis done by attending to material triggers, actions of social groups, pressures from contextual influences, and the complexprocesses of development, adoption, adaptation, and use of new (digital) technologies in people’s social worlds(Jones and Orlikowski 2007).

The poem is something seen, not just conceived

“There is no one ‘magic algorithm’ for identifying terrorist content on the Internet,” the company said. But it deploys technologies such as proprietary spam-fighting tools to supplement reports from the public to help identify people who violate Twitter’s user policies. During the past six months, these tools have helped the firm to automatically identify more than one-third of the accounts that were ultimately suspended for promoting terrorism, the company said.

Or so I thought! After deleting about 3200 tweets, however, I started hitting the end of the road. I couldn’t go back any further. I was super confused–why wouldn’t I be able to see my new 3200 most recent tweets, now that all the other crud had been deleted? Was it a caching issue? Had I hit a speed limit? Then I read the documentation more closely: The value of count is best thought of as a limit to the number of tweets to return because suspended or deleted content is removed after the count has been applied. Meaning: Twitter doesn’t actually delete your tweets, I guess. I suppose they just mark them as deleted, but keep those tweets you don’t want anymore to themselves. If that’s the case, that’s pretty creepy to me–and also kind of hilarious, since I’m pretty sure not deleting deleted tweets is against their TOS. Here’s what Twitter said while talking about Politiwoops, a service that showed politician’s deleted tweets that Twitter shut down:

the perfect web archive does not exist

How can we extend the same care and attention to the billion or so people who post to Facebook each day?

The Facebook user and the amateur intelligence agent are both enmeshed in a “neoliberal system of free labor,” voluntarily producing value for others — NATO, Facebook, whomever — while expecting no formal commitment or compensation in return.

Not only did institutional power survive the coming of the network society, it appeared to be thriving.

Utility used to post the Tweet, as an HTML-formatted string. Tweets from the Twitter website have a source value of web.

Library Is Not Effectively Managing the Selection and Oversightof IT Investments

The Left needs a vocabulary, and a self-understanding, that highlights and foregrounds the importance of constructing and expanding anti-systemic movements that aim to defeat systems of oppressive and exploitative power.

Moreover, the way we challenge everyday impacts should be informed by our understanding that they are not produced simply by individual actions, but by the operation of large-scale systems

But if we are to defeat colonialism and capitalism, we cannot do so one person at a time, or one interaction or relationship at a time.

It seems clear that the attentiveness in today’s Left activist subcultures to interpersonal dynamics within the movement reflects a genuine learning process. It is a step toward beginning to address problems that were, in effect, glossed over and ignored by phrases like “the people” and a complacent view of the prospects for building genuine “solidarity” and “alliances.”

These archiving endeavours were initiated by institutions such as the American University in Cairo, media initiatives such as Mosireen, by artists and citizens.

And so, new distribution networks appeared. Art as we knew it not only left the gallery spaces for the streets but also for online platforms, that is, for platforms of knowledge and spaces of resistance. Online projects, web-platforms and communities (Facebook groups) supporting the revolution were also in full bloom.

The present reason for this silence is obvious, and serious: that speaking out can put people in danger, in particular those who are legally responsible for NGOs or who are authors of even marginally critical work.

While surveillance systems have always been an integral part of Egypt's governance, if this is true, it is the first time that such an extensive system as the Deep Packet Inspection technology – enabling geo-location, tracking, and combing through Facebook, Skype, Twitter, among other social networks – is being used in Egypt (and most certainly like in many more countries in the world.) Since 2014, the crackdown on the Internet has been relentless.

Can we imagine a deed or gift for digital archives? Can activists/archivists negotiate consent between the owner of the content, creator of the content and subject of the content of the archives in the digital age?

Meanwhile, we who build digital libraries (which we hope future researchers will utilize) are designing new trauma archives. The open source software we build enables discovery for the collections of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and archival collections at Stanford like the records of the STOP AIDS Project. One should not attempt to engage with these collections without a sense of embodiment and advocacy. We need to push back against the notion of the dispassionate researcher, the dispassionate archivist.

From listening to historians like Davis, and from our understanding of psychology, it is clear that design decisions which divorce scholarship from emotional response are not in the best interests of our users

because they represent a single majority-rules point-of-view masquerading as neutrality

Try Google searches on every variation you can think of for women’s and girls’ identities and you will see many of the ways in which commercial interests have subverted a diverse (or realistic) range of representations

Although Google’s exact search algorithms are trade secrets and shift over time, we do know that they are based on a patented and published algorithm called PageRank, and that they work by defining relevance and significance by looking at what pages on the Internet are linked to most often on a given subject (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PageRank). This creates a majority-rules definition of relevance that masquerades as neutrality.

The techniques and software of surveillance are freely shared between practitioners on both sides.

We obsess over these fake problems while creating some real ones. In our attempt to feed the world to software, techies have built the greatest surveillance apparatus the world has ever seen. Unlike earlier efforts, this one is fully mechanized and in a large sense autonomous. Its power is latent, lying in the vast amounts of permanently stored personal data about entire populations.

I’mparticularly drawn to the meso-levels of infra-structures, where people create and rely uponnew forms of data as information. It is at themeso-level where ethnographers who exam-ine information systems (such as Peter Botti-celli,36Kalpana Shankar,37and Susan Leigh

Micro refers to the individual orpersonal level, the day-to-day practices thatmake up our lives. The meso-scale is theorganizational or institutional change that weseewithgroupsofpeopleacrossweeksandyears. Finally, the macro-scale refers to infra-structure over long periods of time, decades oreven centuries (what some have called the“long now”

To my mind, data’s impact on soci-ety and studies of data have reached a point forwhich it is now time for historians of comput-ing to historicize data directly.

However, if Twitter does not prominently describe how its Trending Topic algorithm works, then Zelda’s informational power is entirely dependent on the accuracy of other sources she may (or may not) have used to build her understanding of the information flows on Twitter.

What is important is that access to information about how this part of the platform works creates the possibility for the individual to make a choice. Choice creates the possibility for the expression of informational power. These possibilities are closed off when users do not have the basis of informational power from which to enter these fields of action.

The restrictions that arise from authorita-tive management of knowledge can be minimized with theparticipatory, inclusive, and representative knowledgeecology that is fostered by social, community tools,although an approach that is too decentralized runs the riskof having a chaotic approach to standards, or no standardsat all.

As outlined, there are several approaches to building webarchives—some developing from institutional mission state-ments, some from frustration with existing resources, and allfrom limited understanding of the end users’ needs. Tempo-rary ad-hoc practices that are developed to circumventobstacles were discussed in several interviews. All respon-dents described similar obstacles whatever their disciplinarybackground. The ways in which these obstacles are handleddetermines, among many things, the character of the result-ing archive, the limitations of use as set by access points tothe resulting archive, and ultimately the perceived value theresulting web archive offers to different communities ofresearchers

But we just found that there was no proper solution to do it. Welooked at Archive-It (the one from archive.org) but it uses Javaand has to be installed on a TomCat server and there aren’tmany web hosting companies that do that. We also talked toHanzo and it was just way too expensive. So we realized wewould have to build something ourselves and that meant gettingfunding. But no one was interested, they didn’t get why wewanted to archive something that was happening right then.

Beyond the public viewsof web archiving are those of funding institutions andresearch communities that do not see the purpose of archivingsomething that is happening now on the web.

Col-laboration and partnership are complex issues that are essen-tial to the success of large-scale web archiving projects

The more we isolateaccess to web archives from other archives, the less attentionthey will receive, and the less progress will be made.

but through each themethe conceptual and methodological differences betweenstakeholders can be seen as a foundational rift.

ethical guides

The lack of shared practices, accessible tools, and clearlegal and ethical guides were repeatedly named as obstaclesto advancing web archiving

For instance, several interviewees spokeabout what could be categorized as ontological and episte-mological approaches to web artifacts and identified theirinvolvement in both concrete local decisions and morewide-ranging professional debates on how best to integratearchives of such objects into existing collections

hey all spoke about obstacles to advancingweb archiving, reasons for those obstacles, and potentialsolutions to overcome those obstacles in different ways

Each inter-view aimed to solicit opinions, ideas and reflection from therespondent based specifically on his or her own personalexperience with web archiving.

Of the 17 people interviewed, 4are researchers in the social sciences and humanities, 9 arearchivists or librarians working on digital preservation proj-ects at their institutions, and 4 are technicians or softwareengineers building tools to support digital preservation

Since the webarchiving community is relatively small, we used a purpo-sive sampling method to identify some of the key experts inweb archiving

The risk, of course, is that without an ontological under-standing of those methods and collection development poli-cies, these collections may be difficult for other researchersto use. Furthermore, because these archives are built on ashoestring budget by a researcher who may have little tono understanding of archiving procedures, and no real tech-nological infrastructure to rely on, they are often inacces-sible to others, residing on the hard drives of individualresearchers

Approaches to web archiving tend tofall into three categories: large-scale collections, smaller-scale thematic collections, and idiosyncratic collections(Dougherty, Meyer, Madsen, van den Heuvel, Thomas, &Wyatt, 2010).

(Cho & Garcia-Molina, 2000; Fetterly, Manasse, Najork, &Wiener, 2004),

Although these pages are updated and refreshed continu-ously, older versions are rarely archived by content produc-ers

There is currently a wide gap between the researchers whoneed archival data sets to support their studies of onlinephenomena, and the archivists and other practitioners whohave the expertise to build such collections and the tools tomanage and access them

HALL: For the most part, the rules were basically you have to collaborate. So what they did was create kind of an internal Facebook page - for a lack of a better reference - where we all created groups. We joined groups, and then we would post as we researched, so we had one system in which we did the research, another where we posted what we were finding. And what was remarkable about it - this was what - in the truest sense collaboration. If I found something from India or Russia that I thought looked of interest, you know, you'd find somebody. You'd spend a little time looking at it. You'd go do an Internet search and see if you can find a footprint of this person anywhere. And then if you found that you'd post it. You might post some corresponding links. And particularly in some of the Latin American countries where resources are pretty slim and many of them are under threat, we are able to do a lot of the groundwork for them that then they could run with.

A recorded album can be just the same 20 years later, but software has to change

How do wedemonstrate that the digitized evidence of human rights abuse contributes in the dispensa-tion of justice or in preventing or ending injustice? In what ways do efforts to provide access todigital surrogates contribute positively toward social equity and access to life opportunities?Furthermore, what infrastructure must be in place so that this is achieved?

Moreover, while data collection strategies thatrecord numbers of visits and frequency of requests or borrowing may provide useful informa-tion, these data do not offer reliable measures of institutional impact or nuanced portraits ofaudience engagement (Saracevic 2009). Recent studies have noted the inability of a significantportion of institutions to demonstrate the value of their work beyond simple usage statistics andfrequency of visits (Davies 2002; Fraser et al. 2002; Lakos and Phipps 2004; Duff et al. 2008;Franklin and Plum 2010; Carter 2012; Chapman and Yakel 2012; Hughes 2012; Duff et al. 2013).

Projects such as the InuvialuitLiving History (http://www.inuvialuitlivinghistory.ca) and the Plateau Peoples’Web Portal(http://plateauportal.wsulibs.wsu.edu) provide platforms that support Indigenous knowledgesystems and values over digital access to the archival holdings of various institutions (Christen2011)

Meanwhile, corporations have stepped in to partiallyfill the economic void by offeringfunding and labor for digitization projects in exchange for control of information, causingthe increased privatization of public records.

As funding has been slashed for professional positions, repositories haveincreasingly relied on unpaid intern and volunteer labor, raising serious challenges for stu-dents and new professionals and lingering questions about the sustainability of the profes-sion

Here, the challenge is not just how to get more faces of color at the table but to interrogate thecultural foundations and accompanying power structures upon which the table is built.

For example, widespread professional resistance toIndigenous ways of knowing, as evidenced by the debate surrounding the Protocols for theNative American Archival Materials and the ultimate failure of the Society of American Archi-vists to endorse them, reveals how much more work is needed to open up pathways forpluralism in mainstream archival practice.

Furthermore, archival studiescannot continue to ignore burgeoning critiques of“human rights”as a neocolonial industryemerging from otherfields for much longer (Posner 2014

from the psychologicalimpact that processing records of violence may have on archivists

How would the archival conversation shift if we abandoned the rights-based model in favorof a feminist ethics of care? What happens when we begin to think of record keepers andarchivists less as enforcers or violators of human rights and more as caregivers, bound to re-cords creators, subjects, and users through a web of mutual responsibility?

an“ethics of care,”which stresses the ways people are linked to each other and larger communitiesthrough webs of responsibilities, is a more inclusive and apt model for envisioning and enactinga more just society (Gilligan 1982; Card 1991; Cole and Coultrap-McQuin 1992; Frazer, Hornsby,and Lovibond 1992)

At its core is the activeacknowledgment of cultural difference, Indigenous epistemologies, and multiple ways of know-ing as equally valid perspectives of knowledge creation (Christen 2011; McKemmish, Faulkhead,and Russell 2011; PACG 2011

To encourage larger societalparticipation in archival endeavors, archivists are called to relinquish their role as authorita-tive professionals in order to assume a more facilitative role in crucial archival practices of ap-praisal, description, and development of access systems.

provenance has been recast as a dynamic concept that includes not only the initial creators ofthe records, who might be agents of a dominant colonial or oppressive institution, but moreimportantly the subjects of the records themselves, the archivists who processed those re-cords, and the various instantiations of their interpretation and use by researchers.

Wallace (2010) writes that the term can appear so broad that itsmeaning can be elusive at best and, at worst, is watered down or co-opted by the very powersit seeks to critique.

Monegraph and Ascribe

sci-fi’s outsider heroes interrogate systems of power.

Ethnography in this dynamic arena eventu-ally necessitates a ‘technologized’ researcher (Lash, 2002, Lunenfeld, 2000).

I will argue in this article that everyday life takes place on the internet: there is no difference between online and offline interpersonal communica-tion (IC).

It is a disservice to users and ourselves to ask only how much or how often and to avoid understanding why or how. User research methods work best as an accumulation of triangulation points of data in a mutually supportive, on-going inquiry. More data points from multiple methods mean deeper insights and a deeper understanding.

In other words, we only know what we know and can only ask questions framed about what we know.

The most exciting part of my own work is feeling surprised with a new insight or observation of what our users do, say, and believe. In research on various topics, we’ve seen and heard so many surprising answers.

This is all to say that insights, answers, and explanations are limited by the breadth of a researcher’s understanding of users’ behaviors

He also splurged on the very best fake Twitter profiles; they’d been maintained for at least a year, giving them a patina of believability.

recursion, mixed-media or combinations of text-and-image, and virtual reality invention

What makes a DH project experimental now? How do the digital humanities benefit from experimental projects? And within the parameters of DH work that is now recognized as scholarship that counts, how can we make room for experimentation, for projects that might and sometimes do fail?

Insum,documentsprovidebackgroundandcontext,additionalquestionstobeasked,supplementarydata,ameansoftrackingchangeanddevelopment,andverificationoffindings

Understandingthepoliticalpreferenceofanaudiencecanbeimportantforpresentingtailoredinformation(includingorexcludinginformationtotheuser’stastes

Inourcase,theseareRepresentativesusingTwitter

liberal/conservativebias

removedforanonymity

Wepresentamethodforcom-putingthepoliticalpreferenceofanaudiencebyanalyzingtheir“following”behaviorandillustratethisapproachwithmediaout-lets,government,andinterestgroupsandthinktanks.

In follow-on research, we seek to collectground truth on PPD in new mothers, wherein we can empirically validate the relationship between the measures we predict and blues and deeper depressionexperienced by somemothers

The ability to predict significant changes in behavior and mood postpartum has broad implications.Thepostpartum behavioral markers exhibited bythesubset of mothers who we identified as showing extreme changes, resonate with the feelings ofhopelessness, dejection, anddepressive tendenciesseen in postpartum depression

We conjecture that the general social and psychologicaldistancing characterizing the circumstances of new motherhood is linked tosuch high attentional focuson oneself, and turns out to be a strong predictor of postpartum change for the extreme-changing mothersfor these measures of linguistic style

We compareseveral different parametric and non-parametric classifiers to empirically determine the best suitable classification technique, including linear, quadratic, discriminant classifiers, naïve Bayes, k-nearest neighbor, decision trees, and Support Vector Machineswith a radial-basisfunction(RBF) kernel[10]. Thebest performing classifier was found to be the SVM across all measures, which outperformed the other methods with prediction accuracy improvements in the rangeof10-35%.

uchdecreases indicate that these women are posting less, suggesting a possible loss of social connectedness following childbirth.

We filter the Twitter Firehose stream (made available to us via a contract with Twitter)

We chose Twitter because it is public and provides a longitudinal record of the events, thoughts,and emotions experienced in daily life.

71% when we leverage behavioraldata from only the prenatal period

training data

Within this context, we investigate the feasibility of forecastingfuture behavioral changes of mothers following the important life event of childbirth.

Im-portantly, given the ever-increasing amount of digital traces peopleleave behind, it becomes difficult for individuals to control which oftheir attributes are being revealed. For example, merely avoidingexplicitly homosexual content may be insufficient to prevent othersfrom discovering one’s sexual orientation

given appropriatetraining data, it may be possible to reveal other attributes as well.

moderately indicative of being gay

best predictorsof high intelligence

AfricanAmericans and Caucasian Americans were correctly classified in95% of cases, and males and females were correctly classified in93% of cases

58,466volunteers

obtainedthroughthemyPersonality Facebookapplication

were obtained from users’Facebook profiles

52,700

In contrast tothese other sources of information, Facebook Likes are unusual inthat they are currently publicly available by default.

The analysis presented is based on a datasetof over 58,000 volunteers who provided their Facebook Likes,detailed demographic profiles, and the results of several psychomet-ric tests.

However, with the exception of the group of academicsworking with King’s College Archives, it became clear that it was easier, faster andmore productive to get focus group members to respond to visual material.

uch of the content is veryemotive so may not be appropriate and also safeguarding issues at the College limitour use of student comments and their names

The responses East Sussexencountered at the Chailey School were similarly powerful, often angry anddisturbing, always revealing and creative

required to think about records in a more lateral way

A relationship of trust has developed betweenthe group and the record office that will be revisited in the future.

The evaluation of the pilots showed that the focus group model gave an effectiveframework within which record offices could work with a variety of diverseindividuals and groups.

other offices were keen to explore the expertise orexperiences of people who had worked with or been subject to the records.

Certainly, some of the archive pilots usedthis approach in choosing collections of records and focus groups: the RoyalGeographical Society sought the expertise of a group of Tanzanians on its EastAfrican collections.

imilarly, after the cataloguing event, most archivists arehappy to accept, though not always to incorporate, a correction, amplification orcomment about an existing catalogue.

RC’s majordeparture from earlier practice was that the resulting user-generated contributionswere moderated and added to the museum catalogue.

This participationcan manifest itself in our website comments, Wikipedia entries and online reviews;we contribute to consultation processes, we are interviewed for our opinions and weblog, tweet or otherwise share them across our social networks

If we step outside the archival goldfish bowl to look at the larger picture we can seeother powerful influences aligning with some of these ideas

So, citingHayden White, he argued that the archive should be used ‘not merely as a storagetechnique but primarily as a force for de-legitimation of mythified and tradi-tionalized memories’

‘It might mean providing space for researchers to embed their ownstories of use within the descriptive layerings...Itwould require engagement withthe marginalized and silenced. Space would be given to the sub-narratives andcounter-narratives...Itwould embrace a ‘politics of ambiguity and multiplicity’

One common assumption underpinning this recent work has been that the user,rather than archivists or the records themselves, should be the central priority.

amethodology for systematically capturing and incorporating the comments andcontributions of individuals outside the profession as to the accuracy, completenessand attractiveness of archival catalogues and finding aids

This article will argue the case for a broaderadoption ofRACby record offices by first considering some of the larger ideas andtheory that have shaped it and then by summarizing and evaluating the work of theparticipating record offices to draw conclusions as to the more general applicabilityof the methodology.

For ethical reasons, both Kazemi and thricedotted avoid making bots that—for lack of a better description—seem like people.

“My bot is not me, and should not be read as me. But it’s something that I’m responsible for. It’s sort of like a child in that way—you don’t want to see your child misbehave.”

Using software designed by this report’s first author, we sorted all users within each period into a set of communities. At the end of this process, each user belonged to one and only one community within each period. We labeled each of the 10 largest communities in each period based on the shared identities of its hubs.

We use a research method drawn from the field of network analysis called community detection to sort the users in our dataset into subsets called communities based on recurring patterns of retweeting and mentioning. (Additional technical details on this method can be found in Appendix A.)

Therefore, it is worth noting here that a large majority of the tweets in our dataset (75.3%) are retweets. In contrast, only a small minority of tweets (7.6%) contain @-mentions outside of a retweet context.

Figure 2

To account for both a site’s birth date and content production, we use as a starting point the date that a site was first crawled by the Internet Wayback Machine.

But we have known since the 1970s that networks consisting of weak ties are valuable for other reasons.14 Specifically, they are critical for broadly and efficiently distributing infor-mation produced by network members. I

One can imagine a potentially different structure for this network. It could be a dense network with many reciprocal ties—conducive to building trust between connections. Such trust would be necessary if what those trafficking in Black Lives Matter-related content on the Web were trying to do was, say, organize clandestine gatherings, or circulate ideas for how to mobilize, or develop strategic action plans.

VOSON

As an indication of this, the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine did not first crawl the site until October 8, 2014.

Official websites are usually extensions of individuals’ and organizations’ digital identities. Accord-ingly, individuals and organizations often tether their Twitter and Web accounts to freely circulate content between them.

Consistent with BLM’s origin and Twitter activity patterns, the BlackLivesMatter.com website was created on July 17, 2013—just days after George Zimmerman was acquitted for killing Trayvon Martin

Ultimately, looking beyond Twitter provides a more complete account of how online media have influenced the social and political discourse around race and criminal justice, both online and off

These questions address at both a macro level and a micro level who was heard most frequently and what they said. W

Eric Garne

We did not divide the data into equal time units, but rather set their boundaries at points when the Twitter discussion rose and fell drastically.

Examining the data as a series of sequential time periods allows us to capture and describe this adaptive process in greater detail than considering the entire year as a single unit

site’s search rank

136,587 websites

research software package

another of 45 keywords

Twitter, BLM participant interviews, and the open Web

We would also like to stress that this report is not a work of advocacy; that said, all of the authors personally share BLM’s core concerns, which directly affect each of us and our respective families. But we do not believe that fundamentally agreeing with BLM compromises this report’s rigor or findings any more than agreeing with the Civil Rights Movement or feminism compromises research on those topics. On the contrary, our strong interests in ending police brutality and advancing racial justice more generally inspire us to get the empirical story right, regardless of how it may reflect on the involved parties

The report’s specific contribution is to draw a set of conclusions about the roles online media played in the movement during a critical time in its history.

To clarify our discussions in the following pages, then, we will use the term “Black Lives Matter” to refer to the official organi-zation; “#Blacklivesmatter” to refer to the hashtag; and “BLM” to refer to the overall movement.

Studies have revealed a decades-long de-cline in youth civic engagement as traditionally defined: that is, interacting with established civic and political institutions such as government, long-established community organiza-tions, and K12 civics classes.

The general idea here is that social media helps level a media playing field dominated by pro-corporate, pro-government, and (in the United States) anti-Black ideologies.

Because not every social movement uses online media in the same ways, it is important to under-stand each new movement’s digital activities on their own terms.

we also need to recognize how we are implicated here as digital researchers into the politics we purport to critique

tools that seek to make visible the power relations of the digital infrastructures but that actually generate those power relations in the act of making them visible (boyd and Crawford 2012)

it puts full accountability on the authority sharing the data

perhaps it is more ethical to acknowledge that it is happening without explicit individual consent.

the data would gradually become repurposed in a process that the surveillance field terms ‘function creep’, making people’s consent meaningless

control often becomes defined as care in emergency situations

This argument, although in line with all existing data protection rules and norms, is problematic in a practical context. Consent without purpose limitation – knowing what one is consenting to – is widely judged to be legally (and practically) meaningless.

However, very little is known about how these policies translate into the actual appraisal of Web content.

This case study performs an in-depth investigation of the way that CDRs could be used to track Ebola, revealing that they’re only useful when re-identified, invalidating anonymization as a balancing approach to privacy, and thus legal, protection.

there is very little evidence to suggest that CDRs, especially those that have been anonymized, are useful to track the spread of the Ebola virus

Not only were these information systems unresponsive, they were disconnected from the responders, meaning they didn’t have any ability to answer questions, provide treatment, or even refer people to facilities that could provide treatment

e-mail and Google Fusion tables

Political relationships are one of – if not the – most determinative factor in access to both information and funding support.

hat job is no small feat - there were more than 50 separate technology systems introduced during the response effort alone

It is practically easier and financially beneficial for humanitarian organizations to develop their own information systems, instead of focusing on building functional communication sharing.

they discount the value and importance of building functional communication standards and coordination frameworks.

The assumption that open and interoperable data will lead to better health response is untested, as is the assumption that mobile network data records measurably improve health system response efforts.

That these powers are largely being outsourced to international organizations without the institutional capacity, processes, regulation, standards, infrastructure, or appropriate risk frameworks, is why we should all be concerned

There has been no public presentation about whether or how mobile data information was actually used – or what the effect of that use was.

due process and fair compensation

These laws, taken together, form a broad protection for the privacy of mobile data – requiring user consent or a governmental invocation of emergency powers in order to compel their release.

pplicable legal frameworks

However, Ebola is not a vector-borne disease, meaning that the same probabilities aren’t a useful indicator of transmission.

it has been shownthat they are more unreliable than considering high-confidence ma-chine tags

Since we areinterested in determining how many photos are taken at night on astreet, we count the number of pictures that are classified asnight,and the number of those that are classified otherwise.

We gather a random sample of7M geo-referencedFlickr pictures within the bounding box of Central London.

We collect information about all the8KFoursquare venues in London.

Our evaluation and validation for three different cities with varied physical layouts shows two important results. First, our methodology constitutes a good complement to model and understand in an affordableand near real-time manner land uses in urban environments. In fact, we have shown that residential, commercial and parks & recreation areas are well identified with coverage above 70%. Also, our approach is able to identify a land use, nightlife activity, not being considered up to now by city halls. This has implications from a planning perspective as these areas usually cause noise and security problems and can move over time.

On the other hand, Cluster 3 is associated to very large activity peaks at night (see Figure 2(c)). These peaks happen at around 20:00-21:00PM during weekdays and between 00:00-06:00AM during the weekends. We observe that the peaks happen earlier in London and Manhattan while a little bit later inMadrid suggesting that nightlife might continue until late hours in this city. Studying the physical layout of these clusters on the city maps, we observe that they cover areas like the East Village in Manhattan; the West End in London and Malasaña/Chueca and Alonso Martinez in Madrid (see Figure 4), areas associated with restaurants, pubs and discos. All these elements suggest that this cluster might represent nightlife activities

n order to validate our land use hypotheses, we compare the evaluation results against official land use data released by the NYC Department of City Planning and the NYC Department of Parks & Recreation through the NYC Open Data Initiative (NYC, 2013);

slightly shifted in time.

currently about one percent of the full Firehose set of tweets

The DB index is used to evaluate clustering algorithms, where the validation of how well the clustering has been done is made using quantities and features inherent to the dataset.