BearmanandLytlearguepersuasivelyfortheuseoffunctions,especiallyfordescnptlvepurposes.

rofessionalsasdIverseasanthropologists,sociologists,andbusinessmanagersusefunctionalanalysisasadescriptivetechniquetofacilitatetheexaminationofpatternsacrossstructuresandcultures.

HughTaylorandTerryCook,whosuggestthat“thefocusofappraisalshouldshiftfromtheactualrecordtotheconceptualcontextofItscreation,fromthephysicaltotheintellectual,frommattertomind.

whattheinstitutiondoes

eliberately seeks to give voice to the marginalised, to the‘other’, to losers as well as winners, to the disadvantaged and underprivileged as wellas the powerful and articulate, which is accomplished through new ways of lookingat case files and electronic data and then choosing the most succinct record in thebest medium for documenting these diverse voices

The macro-appraisal model, although developed first to appraise the records at thelevel of the nation state (the Government of Canada), finds sanction for archivalappraisal ‘value’ of determining what to keep, and what to destroy, not in the dictatesof the state, as traditionally with Jenkinson and his followers, nor in following thelatest trends of historical research with Schellenberg and his many more followers, asmore recently, but rather in trying to reflect society’s values through a functionalanalysis of the interaction of the citizen with the state.

acro-appraisal is thus a provenance-basedapproach to appraisal, where the social context of the record’s creation and contem-porary use (not its anticipated research use) establishes its relative value.

Then, matching information from the known record-keeping universe for all systemsand all media, the archivist decides which registries, systems and media collectionswill likely have the best records to provide ‘sufficient evidence’ of the function andcitizen’s interactions with it.

The point is to identify other narratives or stories within the records,where these exist, so that we as archivists may present to posterity a fuller series ofcompeting ‘truths’ about the past that researchers then may weigh for whateverpurposes, rather than our usual predilection in appraisal for preserving the dominantor ‘winning’ voices from the past

When the macro-appraisal functional analysis is completed, the archivist should beable to form a set of hypotheses regarding the appraisal work lying ahead, whereactual records are checked to validate or modify the hypothesis.

acro-appraisal hypothesis

the structural site(s)

he object of the macro-appraisal and records disposalproject

onlythoseOPIs that best and most centrally reflectthe programme’s own functioning, its wider impact and citizen interaction with it.

Macro-appraisal in short putsprovenance-based context back into appraisal, and pays much less attention to thesubject content of records. Yet as seen, that provenance-based context is not thetraditional one of linking records to their ‘office of origin’, but rather to the complexorganisational culture in which record-creating and record-keeping takes place inmodern institutions.

he theoretical focus remains societal, that is,to appraise (or identify) those records providing evidence of the greatest impact of thegovernment on society (and on government itself)

These two questions suggest a third: whichrecord creators or ‘functions’ (rather than which records) are the most important?

Suchvalue-based questions are essentially philosophical, for when we ask what givessomething value, what makes it worth preserving and remembering, we are essentiallyasking the age-old question: what is the good?

Appraisal is inevitably a subjective process

ppraisal theory has no direct relationship with archival theory: indeed, they maybe seen as opposites

crisis of preserving electronic records

A caller to the (New Zealand) Electricity and GasComplaints Commissioner’s Office is complaining that the electricity company is not supplyingenough power to heat her bathwater.

each of the positions at which repair DOES get initiated is a position at which repair CAN get initiated.

the conversation analyst must collect multiple instances of a phenomenon in order to discern the generic, context - independent properties of a practice — the proper-ties, that is, which are independent of some particular instantiation of it.

Like the cartographers of the 18th century who mapped large sections of the globe,

Maybe community usage requires different principles — less emphasis on citation and disambiguation and more emphasis of integration into people’s every day lives.

Maybe we need a multiplicity of ways of engaging the past, and bring people in.

n most cases, property and copyrights are transferred to the Regents of the University of Minnesota on behalf of the Charles Babbage Institute, however, the agreement does not affect the copyrights to previously published works. Transferring copyrights enables CBI to grant researchers permission to quote from the collection.

CBI does not collect obsolete product manuals, three-dimensional materials or other artifacts.

Ordinary citizens across the Middle East expressed solidarity with Ferguson’s unhappy residents. In particular, Palestinians expressed their support – and even offered handy tips as to how protesters might best deal with attacks by cops using tear gas. @MariamBarghouti advised:

he Chinese students' responses, moreover, wereoften incomprehensible or unforthcoming, suggesting that they wereperhaps unable or reluctant to be aligned with ancestor worship throughincense-burning, and thereby potentially positioned as Asian, alien, non-Christian, and so on.

also revealed the pervasiveness ofdisgruntled and alienated studentsÐindividuals and groups who perceivethemselves to be disenfranchised, unvalued, and di€erent from the seeminglymore popular, celebrated, and powerful mainstream.

Thissuggests that repositories might be posting collecting polices on the Internetprimarily for potential donors. If this is the case, it is possible that the documentthat is designated as a collecting policy on the repository’s web site is not thedocument that is used for internal decision-making but an abbreviated versioncontaining the information that program staff believes would be most usefulto potential donors. Are these “collecting policies” actually public relations doc-uments rather than policy-making documents? If so, what assumptions do theyreveal about the types of information that archivists believe the public is inter-ested in seeing? In a larger study, it would be informative to contact reposito-ries to ascertain whether the Web version of the policy is the actual documentused to guide selection decisions.

these documents must be suf-ficiently specific to allow for application in practice, that they must be tailored tothe individual repository, and that they must be living rather than static documentsthat are periodically updated to account for collection growth and changing

Part, but certainly not all, of the success that I had collecting the papersof African American women in Iowa and authors can be attributed to mybeing an African American woman myself. The identity I share with po-tential donors helps to establish rapport and trust, two elements that aregenerally crucial to fostering good donor relations but have been particu-larly important to me as I built the number of collections practically fromscratch. The “insider” perspective often enables me to understand nu-ances specific to African American culture that may appear both in myconversations with donors during field visits and in the papers them-selves.

nce I discovered that the collection’s greatest strengths lie in litera-ture and literary history, it became clear that documenting the lives andexperiences of black authors and other individuals involved with theAfrican American literary scene (such as editors, publishers, book col-lectors, librarians, reviewers, and book club members) was the logicalniche to develop.

Registration requests should be sent to the wellknown-uri-review@ietf.org mailing list for review and comment, with an appropriate subject (e.g., "Request for well-known URI: example").

For instance, technological prowess cannot be acquired second hand; it requires personal investment in time and effort to convert external wealth into an integral part of the person

Theawakening of class-consciousness is often bound up within a process of rehabilitating andrebuilding self-esteem, and reaffirming cultural dignity (Freire, 1970; Giroux, 1983; Hooks,2000). It is transformative in that it inculcates the habitus by forcing the agent to criticallyreflect upon arbitrariness of the symbolic power being exerted upon them. Agents can thenresist this symbolic power, and begin to find ways of using ICT to support the issues that areimportant to their social life situations such as employment, housing, environmental, safety andtransportation.

What does the Internet mean for oursurvival?

WorldGate,the company that served as the ISP ceased to offer its service and the City of LaGrange did nothave an alternative supplier that could provide the service over the same infrastructure. Whilemost residents view the programme as a gift, a few are bitter that the programme has ended.

Toget the ‘free’ system, one must already have or be willing to pay for basic cable TV at a costof $8.70 per month

You know how a baby has to be breastfed milk. He can’t eat food? Well that’s how I feel. Theyare giving us milk, and this is not enough to feed us. We need to be able to eat food if we wantto get jobs.

city officials, citizens and business owners. In addition, telephone inter-views were conducted with representatives from the cable operator (Charter Communications)and the internet service provider (ISP, WorldGate) to obtain the perspective of these stake-

So, ina sense, we are examining social agents who have chosen to learn about ICT and believe inthe ideology of ICT as an enabler of life chances; and while they clearly exercise humanagency, this seems more like an act of assimilation rather than an act of resistance

Mypointsofaristhatanalystsdonotneedtoinvokemotivations,intentionsandothermentaleventsfortheanalysisofspeechactsininteraction.Instead,theadvocatedanalyticalpolicyistopaycloseattentionto(a)whereanactionisplacedinthesequentialstructureand(b)howtheturnthathousestheactionanditsimmediatelyprecedingandfollowingturnsarecomposed.

Inverybroadterms,speechactpragmaticsexplainshowanutterancewasrespondedtoaccordingtowhattheutterancemeant.Conversationanalysisexplainswhattheutterancemeantaccordingtohowitwasrespondedto.

What is the purpose of making and keepingrecords? Why do people want them? What will they do with them? What will they dowithout them? Who else besides the formal creators needs the records and why?

concepts that served needs of a particular people at a particular moment in time.

If the NationalArchives (as well as every state archives) were obliterated tomorrow, the perpetual memoryand public faith inherent in the American legal system would not be affected.

Perhaps the truth lies somewhere betweenJenkinson and Schellenberg, with a realization that appraisal must be based onthe needs of the creator in fulfilling their own administrative and legal func-tions, but that an archives which preserved only those records created by gov-ernmental or organizational bureaucracies would fail to meet our expectationsof the role which archives have come to play in providing a sense of nationaland cultural history.

The need for the archivist’s intervention in an electronic environmentis essential, for passivity in this respect may well result in records either notbeing preserved at all, or if preserved, being technologically irretrievable.

The archivistmust not, however, act as creator or historian, for as Jenkinson repeatedlywarns, archives are valuable precisely because they have not been created forposterity.

archives: records emerge often by “pure chance” from “a kindof cocoon stage”of neglect, after which, “if they survive,” they reach a point wherethey are once again consulted and “their value for the purposes of Research isrecognized and becomes the governing factor in their preservation.

Manuscripts are the natural, un-self- conscious, impartial, interrelated

exacerbated in the last two decades by the freedom of infor- mation movement

It is quite clear that, if what qualifies documents as archival is their nature - as Jenkinson believed - the idea of attributing values to them is in profound conflict with archival theory

Then he presented the con- cept of evidential value as an exclusive concern of secondary users. By so doing, he prepared the path for the complete di- vergence of American archival practice from that of the rest of the Western world

the two fundamental method- ological principles of archival science stress the primacy of origin, structure, and function over content, use, or importance

In fact, the task of the archivist is to be the servant of truth, of the simple truth, not of that truth which can please certain persons or serve the views of the one or the other school of thought

but for an Adminis- trative body to destroy what it no longer needs is a matter entirely within its competence and an action which future ages . . . cannot possi- bly criticize as illegitimate or as af- fecting the status of the remaining archive

Therefore, the attribution of value uses as the primary basis of judgment an element, content, that is in contrast with the proce- dural and formal neutrality of the archival whole, and in so doing it undermines the im- partiality and authenticity of its meaning

The fact that archival doc- uments are not contrived outside the direct requirements of the conduct of affairs - that is, that they accumulate naturally, pro- gressively, and continuously, like the sed- iments of geological stratifications24 - provides them with an element of sponta- neous yet structured cohesiveness

truth

Jenkinson, Cencetti, Brenneke, Bautier, and the many others who have enriched the European ar- chival literature of our times.

The absence of proper care eventually made the documents in the archives-sediment disappear, victims of natural events or human vicissitudes, while those in the archives-treasure re- mained as continuing proof of events past.

Rather, the traces of all facts were preserved, their intensity as profound as the effects of those facts had been at the time of their occurrence

Private persons began to deposit false doc- uments in public archives to lend them public faith.

As a consequence, not every entity could have an archives; only the persons or corpora- tions invested with sovereign power had the right to establish one in their own ju- risdiction (jus archivi or archivale).

Rather, the link was with ideas of continuity (or absence of interruptions), stability (or absence of change), and endurance (or absence of known term)

the fundamental con- cepts of archival theory are rooted in concepts embedded in Roman law, which have lingered for centuries and are so in- grained in our Western culture that we keep perpetuating them even when we can- not remember the reason for doing so.

quasi-complete silence on the subject in all the other Western countries

In the former case, we have appraisal for selection. In the latter case, we have ap- praisal for acquisition

A second, related, contribution to come from the analysis of grammar ininteraction is the recognition that grammar is knowledge of how to dothings(Bybee, 2002b) and how to do things together(Clark, 1992, 1996) – that is, it issharedknowledge in a very literal sense of the word.

The image of anarchivist as an Indiana Jones-type character, hunting outthe treasures of the past in exciting pursuits, is romanticbut inaccurate; rather, archivists are flawed humanstrying to develop clear and reliable methods for identi-fying records that should beacquired by archives.

Others have made similar pleas for a socialsensitivity in appraising and collecting,[180,182]but the un-inhibited human nature of collecting works against anykind of uniform approach for dealing with such matters.

It has long been recognized that one of the greatestchallenges is the lack of a national system in appraisingand acquiring records, leading to some early calls forbetter communication about appraisal decisions.

In themid-1990s a national conference on the appraisal of Ameri-can business records tried to deal with the myriad challengesposed by corporate records, but whether or not it reallyhelped get any closer to developing workable solutions isunclear.

e do not createthe past like an artist creates a work of art; rather we aim tocontrol the past, or more accurately, to control the docu-mentation of the past, like a systems methodizer, balancingaims, objectives, resources and demand.

The stress between pri-vate and institutional collectors is somewhat modified bythis relationship. Private collectors often create trends incollecting or have the financial resources to build collec-tions; it is often up to institutional repositories to housethem and make them available for researchers.[101]It isprecisely at this intersection between private collector andinstitutional repository that the most dramatic aspects ofthe psychological nature of collecting are seen.

“Strict objectivity, totalindifference to partisan issues on the site of collecting,and an unmitigated passion for identifying the truth arethe hallmarks of the collector’s trade

Such stories are often amain attraction for individuals to become professionalarchivists and manuscripts curators.

Now archivistsare developing methodologies to help them identify cri-teria for dealing with ephemera and other nontraditionalrecords

Itisimportanttodistinguishbetweenmeanings(includinggoalsandintentions)inferredbyobserversandmeanings(includinggoalsandinten­tions)inferredbyparticipants.Analysingdiscourseisoftenmakinginfer­encesaboutinferences.

functionalanalysis

Participants Sean Fern and Matt Zumwalt

Canadian archivists are not contentsimply to discuss the subject of appraisal. They put into practice and test theirideas.

Luciana Duranti, who believes that it is important to appraiseusing a scale of values contemporary to the period when the documents werecreated

n addition, to avoid overly theoretical or disconnectedappraisals, and ones marginal to the administrative needs of an organization,archivists in Québec have established a relationship between appraisal andneeds assessment.

Must we reject one in favour of the other? Should we not attempt to makethese objectives complementary?

For example, Terry Eastwood, professor of archival science at the Univer-sity of British Columbia (UBC), insisted on the need to base an appraisal onthe use of archives.

Cook advances “macro-appraisal”: appraisingcreator institutions before appraising their documents

In 1986, Helen Samuels expanded on this concept byestablishing a clear relationship between archival acquisition and archivalappraisal

it is hard to determine whether the authors areactually describing the same realities

must ultimately offer comprehensive evidence ofsocietal actions and conditions

cancerous silences

One example, very reminiscent of the oral-history enthusiasm of the 1960s to 1980s,is seeing established archives harvesting significant parts of the Internet, especiallysocial networking applications for various targeted groups in the ‘community’demographic.

Communities give themselves the chronicles they need in order to understand theworld, just as individuals create for themselves the stories they need in order tosurvive with a sense of self. . . .A nation that does not take into account themultitude of suppressed memories of the majority of its people will always be weak,basing its survival on the exclusion of dissent and otherness. Those whose lives arenot valued, not given narrative dignity, cannot really be part of the solution of theabiding problems of our times

I believed this over 20 yearsago when conceptualizing the citizen–state relationship as the heart of macro-appraisal, and I believe it is even more relevant now for our digital age, when suchengagement is all the more possible technologically and expected socially.

Engaging the citizen

we may not, even in a pan-national collaborative network,always acquire them, save as a last protective resor

Only after this inter-related ‘whole of society’ or ‘total archive’ landscape is knowncan the archivist target realistically the actual records or series of records likely tohave greatest potential archival value, in a complementary, holistic, integration of thepublic and private, the centre and the regions, the well-articulated voices and themissing voices, for the human or organizational functions or activities under studyduring the appraisal process.

Of course, private-sector appraisal decisions would complement this public-sectoror institutional macroappraisal within a truly integrated ‘total archives’ framework.

Governance emphasizes the dialogue and interaction of citizens and groups withthe state as much as the state’s own policies and procedures; focuses as well ondocumenting the impact of the state on society, and the functions and activities ofsociety itself; encompasses all media rather than privileging written text; searches formultiple narratives and hot spots of contested discourse between citizen and state,rather than accepting the official policy line; and deliberately seeks to give voice to themarginalized, to losers as well as winners, to the disadvantaged and underprivilegedas well as the powerful and articulate, which is accomplished through new ways oflooking at case files and electronic data and then choosing the most succinct record inthe best medium for documenting these diverse voices.

Booms suggested that archivists should studysociety directly through reading and viewing evidence of public opinioncontemporary to the records being appraised,

Here, archivists try toreflect society (and its values) through appraisal not by gaining some comprehensiveunderstanding of the specific ‘reality’ of what society’s values were and then searchingfor records to represent these values proportionately, which is an impossible task.

If there is indeed anything or anyone qualified to lend legitimacy toarchival appraisal, it is society itself, and the public opinions it expresses – assuming,of course, that these are allowed to develop freely.

The focus of archivists shifted from being centered around archives as‘truth,’ evidence, authenticity, defending the integrity of the record, to archives asstory, as narrative, as part of a societal and governance process of remembering andforgetting, of concern about power and margins, in which the archivist consciouslyembraced a more visible role in co-creating the archive, not just being the curator ofwhat was left over.

allowing the creator to determine ‘value’ privileges the powerful and the institutionalin society over the private and the personal, corporations and governments overcitizens and communities, upper-level policy makers over lower-level workersinteracting daily with citizens, those, in short, who have the resources andinfrastructure and continuity and time to create and manage records in an orderlyway, and preserve them over centuries – no mean feat, and increasingly so with vastamounts of digital data – and who have the motivation to do so as a means ofnaturalizing and legitimizing their own on-going hegemony as historically sanctionedin the past and thus validated for the future.

This neo-Jenkinsonianism echoes as well in reactions I receive from someparticipants in appraisal workshops that, with the costs of digital storage shrinking,and the capacity of digital storage expanding exponentially, maybe now we can keepit all, and allow various combinations of software search engines, metadatadirectories, and archival description to separate the 1 or 2 per cent of digital wheatfrom the 98 or 99 per cent of cyber-chaff.

his idea of appraisal as the missing piece of the archival puzzle evokes, itseems to me, three issues that we need to confront if we are to have a usefuldialogue about appraisal: first, the Jenkinsonian legacy, if I may be so bold beforea United Kingdom audience, that archivists should not do appraisal at all, that itis un-archival; secondly, the related but separate notion that the archivist shouldbe positioned as an objective curator, passive and neutral, rather than asconscious mediator, activist and subjective; and, thirdly, that archival work,including appraisal, may be reduced to a series of processes and procedureswithout attention to the theoretical or philosophical core centered around values

co-creating archives

‘by taking upparticular tools we accede to desires and we manifest intentions.

Custom content library - do all this with your video assets... not just Trump

## To configure a dynamic IP address auto eth0 iface eth0 inet dhcp ## Or configure a static IP auto eth0 iface eth0 inet static address 192.168.1.14 gateway 192.168.1.1 netmask 255.255.255.0 network 192.168.1.0 broadcast 192.168.1.255

The question,then, is not so much one of finding the fundamental technical characteristic of amedium so as to draw some essential cultural characteristic, but to examine itstechnical formation in genealogical terms. As the “network” approach developedby ANT suggests, there is a need to problematize the description of the Web aslayers of technical processes. That is, it is necessary to investigate not only whatforms those layers of hardware and software, but also how they are related to eachother and how they potentially influence each other.

Dematerialization can be taken as problematic and paradox-ical, in that it does not mean the absence of material supports for representation,but rather points to the new material relationships that are established betweencontent and hardware. Computing dematerializes representations through a seriesof calculations in order to make them readable on a range of devices (computers,PCs, or Macs, PDAs, et cetera). A digital picture, then, is not something producedby a camera through chemical processes, but a representation that samples the“real” and that can be easily manipulated.

Picturing the Web not only as a hypermediatednetwork, but also, and more importantly, as a site of interrelated social and tech-nical processes, opens the way for both an exploration of not only the surface ofthe Web — what appears on our computer screens — but also for a deeper multi-level analysis.

To assess the cultural importance of the Web as a medium, it is neces-sary to examine what kind of actions and cultural possibilities are embedded inthose layers, how they influence each other, and how, especially with the rise ofautomated, dynamic, and adaptive forms of communication, they give rise toagents that regulate the discursive possibilities of the Web

The technicalassemblage that forms the Web is only felt when communication breaks down,when the server is not working, or the browser is not capable of decoding a newlanguage

Careful logging of algorithm executions will alsohelp. These detailed logs, such as those collected byaircraft flight data recorders, will enable National Al-gorithm Safety Board investigators to study exactlywhat happened. As best practices for logging in eachindustry become widely accepted, reviewers will beable to more reliably assign responsibility for failureswhile making compelling evidence-based recommen-dations for improvements (20).

If you provide Content to third parties, including downloadable datasets of Content or an API that returns Content, you will only distribute or allow download of Tweet IDs and/or User IDs. You may, however, provide export via non-automated means (e.g., download of spreadsheets or PDF files, or use of a “save as” button) of up to 50,000 public Tweets and/or User Objects per user of your Service, per day. Any Content provided to third parties via non-automated file download remains subject to this Policy.

I refuse to entertain my students with mummified ideas and abstract forms of philosophical self-stimulation. What leaves their hands is always philosophically alive, vibrant and filled with urgency. I want them to engage in the process of freeing ideas, freeing their philosophical imaginations. I want them to lose sleep over the pain and suffering of so many lives that many of us deem disposable. I want them to become conceptually unhinged, to leave my classes discontented and maladjusted.

To discover hidden gems in existing stores of human knowledge, Swanson wrote in his 1986 essay, we would need a massive thesaurus—one that describes “all relationships that people know about and then determine, for each search, which among those relationships” are actually relevant. “To build such a universal thesaurus entails no less than modeling all of human knowledge,” he wrote. It would be an impossible task—not least of all because, “to use such a thesaurus, one would have to retrieve relevant information from it, so a second universal thesaurus would be needed as a retrieval aid to the first, and so on ad infinitum. The builder of a thesaurus is, in principle, lost in an infinite regress.”

Surviving artifacts, especially anything made from bronze like the mechanism, are even harder to come by. Many such objects were melted down to make weapons and ammunition.

If there is any hope of finding new information about the Antikythera Mechanism—or, for that matter, any additional devices like it—it is likely that machines, working alongside human researchers, will play a pivotal role.

The web was built to be explored not just by people, but by machines. As humans surf the web, they’re aided by algorithms doing the work beneath the surface, sequenced to monitor and rank an ever-swelling current of information for pluckable treasures.

“Think how many other types of technology there must have been that we don’t know about,” she added. “What I find fascinating is this: We see this ancient technology and initially it seems it was lost, and we’re like, ‘Where did it go?’ But then you look and you see the threads, connecting it through history—of a sundial or the 13th century astrolabe. So it survived and played a key role in stimulated the tech we take for granted. The way different cultures use things in different ways, technology can become almost unrecognizable, but the kernel of that technology lives on.”

In response, Barad (2003) argues for a performative metaphysics that shifts the focusaway from ‘independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties’ topractices,matters of doings/actions that perform particular phenomena. Phenomena, on thisaccount, are ‘ontologically primitive relations—relations without preexisting relata’ thatare enacted in material-discursive practices (Barad, 2003, p. 815). From such a performa-tive perspective, technologies have no inherent properties, boundaries or meanings, but arebound up with the specific material-discursive practices that constitute certain phenom-ena.

The researchers used Internet analytics tools to trace the origins of particular tweets and mapped the connections among social-media accounts that consistently delivered synchronized messages. Identifying website codes sometimes revealed common ownership.

During the British campaign, they discovered that a family of bots that had been tweeting around Israeli-Palestinian issues for three or four years had suddenly become pro-Brexit.

The millions of files that are currently without any status in the archive will join the millions that do have easy playability. Old or obscure ideas will rejoin the conversation. Forgotten aspects will return. And VLC itself, faced with such a large test sample, will get better at replaying these items in the process.

We all need to be able to see who wrote this story, whether or not it is true, and how it was spread.

This is not a technological problem.  We are social beings and so we will naturally look for ways to socialize, and we will use technology to socialize each other.  But technology could be part of the solution.  A not-so-radical redesign might occasionally expose us to new sources of information, or warn us when our own social networks are getting too bounded.

But how many of these are bots? According to Sam Woolley, a researcher from Oxford University’s Project on Computational Propaganda (which has not been peer reviewed), about 50 to 55 percent of Clinton’s Twitter activity—the likes, follows, and retweets she gets—is from bots, which is typical for high-profile public figures. But Trump’s automated Twitter activity, according to Woolley, is a much higher 80 percent.

Much of the resources of digital preservation have been devoted to preparing for formats to go obsolete and require migration. I’ve been arguing for a long time that this isn’t a good use of resources. Before the web, formats used to go obsolete quickly, but since the advent of the web in 1995, it is very hard to find any widely used format that has gone obsolete. The techniques we have had for a long time, such as open source renderers and emulation, work well enough to cope with format obsolescence if and when it eventually happens; further work in this low-leverage area is a waste of resources. The most important aspect of the way that format obsolescence became not worth working on is that digital preservation had nothing to do with it. Formats stopped going obsolete for very fundamental reasons, not because digital preservation prevented it. Virtual machines and open source became part of mainstream IT for reasons that had nothing to do with preservation.

A model gives us acommon language to talk about the world.

They are, in Pickering’s sense, part of the mangle.

he concludes: “Realism is not about repre sen ta-tions of an in de pen dent reality, but about the real consequences, interventions, creative possibilities, and responsibilities of intra- acting within the world”

arad turns to the work of Niels Bohr. Bohr’s theoretical position is centered around what he calls “agential reality.”

austo- Sterling argues for sci-entifi c analysis that can answer the question how does the social become mate-rial? The strength of her perspective is revealed in her insightful analysis of what may seem an unlikely topic: bones.

Index contains more than a billion terms collected from over 400 billion hyperlinks to the homepages of websites

Uber has heretofore effectively controlled its workforce without necessarily being responsible for them in the eyes of legal and regulatory authorities

Drivers risk “deactivation” (being suspended or removed permanently from the system) for cancelling unprofitable fares.

Yet in the Uber system, the labor drivers do is actually shaped by two primary factors: the employer’s use of surveillant practices to effect “soft control” (Deleuze, 1990; Boltanski & Chiapello, 2007) over otherwise flexible independent contractors, and corresponding practices of resistance developed by those workers in the system (Ball, 2010; Levy, 2014).

Griswold, 2014; Hill, 2015; Hockstein, 2015; Johnson, 2014; Porter, 2015; White, 201

However, while these accounts might not describe every driver’s experience, the collected evidence nonetheless reveals several structural features of the Uber system that could potentially affect any driver employed.

Approximately 1350 total archival items were collected, documenting the activities and conversations of drivers through forum posts, interviews, and other personal contacts, including email correspondence with Uber Community Support Representatives (CSRs), selected out of thousands of posts made over a nine-month period.

Uber relies heavily on the evolving rhetoric of the algorithm to justify these information asymmetries to drivers, riders, as well as regulators and outlets of public opinion

Consider, for example, fictions whose duration is measured indecades to millennia, such as fundamental operating system design,the graphical user interface for human-computer interaction, NorthropFrye’s archetypes of literature, Galilean science, great literature and thecultural envelopes of mythology.65These, in varying ways and tovarying degrees, show the independence of the fictional in their abilityto create imaginative spaces that become the reality within whichpeople live productively and create other fictions.

computing would furnish no more than convenient access to data andcommunication among colleagues, as ‘just a tool’

fixed structures of knowledge.

Clifford Geertz’

I argue here that the point of all modelling exercises, as ofscholarly research generally, is the process seen in and by means of adeveloping product, not the definitive achievement.

Alan Perlis asked in one of hisdelightful epigrams, ‘that software is not like anything else, that it ismeant to be discarded: that the whole point is to always see it as soapbubble?’

Payload manifests only include the pathnames of files. Because of this, a payload manifest cannot reference empty directories. To account for an empty directory, a bag creator may wish to include at least one file in that directory; it suffices, for example, to include a zero-length file named ".keep".

er. The ethnographic seduction by victims and perpetrators of violence became, therefore, a font of, rather than an obstruction to, insi

The association of the words victim and seduction makes me vulnerable to the unwanted charge that I somehow imply the victim brought upon himself or herself the pain that was inflicted, while the mere proposition that victims of violence might mold what they tell us could contribute to their victimization and, ulti- mately, might cast a shadow on my moral standards. How can I question the horror stories I have bee

It is hard to say how generalizable our findings might be.

Patton (2002), for example, outlined sixteen types of purposive samples

These forms of organizational cooperation, that Engeströmet al.(1999)call‘knotworking’, are based on the weaving together of different activitiesaround the emergence of a partially shared object of work which keeps themtogether while also keeping them distinct.

Activity systems are, in fact, by defin-ition internally fragmented and inconsistent. The tensions and conflictsemerging from such contradictions constitute the origin and the source of

post-functionalist theories ofthe social

Rather than starting with the technology and examining how actors appropri-ate its embodied structures, or starting with actors and their rules and re-sources, this view starts with human practice, thus avoiding the dualityaltogether. The aim is then to examine how the practice enacts emergentstructures through recurrent interaction with the technology at hand.

making social rules accessible through discourse requires ne-cessarily that we interpret them

The idea that actors areknowledgeable and reflexive agents is fundamental to structuration theory

rules describe the regularitiesand generalized procedures used in the production of social practices whichare to be expected from those involved in them

The hammer as such acquires a separate‘existence’only when it breaks or islost: that is, when its unreflective use becomes problematic

The elevation of the value of theory and contemplation are infact an expression of the will of intellectuals to preserve their position among theruling class; as such, the priority of theory is based on material reasons and thehierarchy between the two is the result of a fraud

the aim of science is not that of producing theoretical knowledge butmore of obtaining practical mastery of the world in order to satisfy the practicalneeds of mankind

Within a couple of centuries of his death, the political dimension of ethics, andthe status and legitimacy that Aristotle had granted topraxiswere forgottenand replaced with an idea of knowledge and virtue as only the result ofcontemplative life.

Nussbaum 1986, p. 395

Practices need to bestudied analytically rather than descriptively (Llewellyn 2008). Advocates ofany of the strong programmes thus look with suspicion at the idea that work,activity, and practice can be described using lay categories and withoutreference to a specific theoretical tradition.

we thus need to take a further step and commit,in one form or another, to a practice-based ontology—that is, the belief thatmany social and organizational phenomena occur within, and are aspects orcomponents of, thefield of practices (Schatzki 2001, p. 2). We also need toconduct our analysis on the basis of such premises.

Feldman andOrlikowski 2011, p. 1241

While the two share an interest in the mundane and often unsungdetails of organizational life, the strong programme strives toexplainorgan-izational matters in terms of practices instead of simply registering them.

According to Corradiet al.(2010), the starting point of the current band-wagon of practice-based organizational studies can be traced back to thecontributions of three specific research streams.

Choosing one example or another is, however, highlyconsequential. Naming, defining, and exemplifying practices is already theor-izing them.

Practice theories are fundamentally ontologicalprojects in the sense that they attempt to provide a new vocabulary to describethe world and to populate the world with specific‘units of analysis’; that is,practices

it also steers away from views thatunderstand social affairs as mere symbolic exchanges between humans (as inthe symbolic interactionism tradition)

The contribution of a practice approach is to uncover that behind all theapparently durable features of our world there is always the work and effort ofsomeone

So, staging a free election hasto do not only with ideas and principles of free choice and determination butalso, for example, with how the practice of voting is carried out and whethersuch apparently mundane things such as anonymity of the ballot, whetherpolling stations are open long enough for everyone to vote, and how the votesare counted, are guaranteed

Jeff Lemieux pointed out the single most significant factor many people point to: the surrounding roads are far too car-oriented.

Our mission is to really create a top university community here,” says Eric Olson, a former Prince George’s County Council member who directs the College Park City University Partnership, a town/gown group that includes high-placed university officials, the mayor, and state senator Jim Rosapepe.

An advisor once challenged me to interrogate precisely the things that immobilize my imagination; I’ve never seen such paralysis as when we talk about assault.  Why is it that the conditions we choose are good to think with, while the things that happen to us are not?

Being watched made me watchful, obsessively engaged.  Preparing for a trial, a police report, a confrontation, I was aggressively attuned to my surroundings.  Hungry for detail, I filed facts away: the shifting clientele of downtown establishments; the quality of ice encasing different streets.  The exact setting time of the sun. 

Grint, K., and S. Woolgar. 1992. Computers, guns, and roses: what's social about being shot? Science, Technology, and Human Values:366-380

Actor-networks reach stability when they become irreversible. Irreversibility iswhen it would be either too costly to reverse the relationships or doingso becomes improbable. Reaching network stability requires: (1) successfully negotiating the enrollment of participants,followed by the (2) translation of an (3) obligatory passage point (when the sets of relations and those enrolled become (4) irreversible)(Latour 1987). Mobilization of network members ensues as a result of irreversibility and stability where social investment in the network reaches a point at which withdrawal would be unthinkable. The durability of a network is matter of the robustness of the translation. Networks collapse or undergo changes if the translation processes whichbrought the networks to their current state can revertor if the networks cannot resist alternative translations

Callon, M. 1986. The sociology of an Actor Network'in M. Callon. J. Law & A. Rip (editors) Mapping the Dynamics of Science and Technology. London: Macmillan

Social informaticsis a perspective, a way of framing,the particular dynamics of IS and ICT in social and organizational worlds.

Orlikowski, WJ. 2002. Knowing in practice: Enacting a collective capability in distributed organizing. Organization Science13 (3):249-273.

This process of making something (like a commodity technology or a particular artifact) personal is a ‘taming’ or training that take place over time. This may not lead to success (or a desired outcome) and domestication scholarship often highlights the churning or seemingly cyclical patterns of non-progress towards full acceptance/belonging. In studying this process, domestication emphasizes the relationships among the object, individuals and the larger social milieu in which this process unfolds (and often grants agency to the media messages and opinion leaders for framing the roles, uses and expectations of ICT).

To date, ANT’s conceptual vocabularyand methodological demands have beenused eclectically in ISresearch(Walsham 1997; e.g., Pouloudi and Whitley 2000).Numerous case studies inspired by ANT serve as a means to improve the understanding of IS researchers of the design and use of ICT, which is of significance for IS (Hanseth, Aanestad, and Berg 2004). And, there existsa prominent and meticulous adoption of ANT in the literature on information infrastructure. The size and complexity of infrastructural technologies such as groupware, and the characteristic that they generally build upon existing technologies, make researchers direct their focus from ICT or isolated technological artifacts to a more complex notion of IT infrastructure (Hanseth, Monteiro, and Hatling 1996). Several researchers have drawn upon ANT to account for the sociotechnicalnature of the information infrastructure which not only includes artifact but also human habits, norms, and roles, that may prove its most intractable elements (Jackson et al. 2007). For example, building on ANT’s conceptual vocabulary, Hanseth and Monteiro (1996)investigate how any given elements of information infrastructure constrain others, and how these elements inscribe certain patterns of use. To do so, they identify explicit anticipations of use by various actors during use, and the way these anticipations are translated and inscribed into standards

Akrich, M. 1992. The de-scription of technical objects. In Shaping technology/building society: Studies in Socioteclmical Change, edited by J. Law. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press

Rooted in a “...ruthless application of semiotics” (Latour 1999, , p. 3), ANT’s first premise isthat entities have no inherent qualities: theyacquire their form and functionality only through their relations with other entities9

The shift from technology as an embedded structure toward agency of humans reached its apex with the practice lens of Orlikowski ((Orlikowski 2000; Schultze and Orlikowski 2004). She proposes the notion of technology-in-practice, which refers to the structure of technology use enacted by social actors while they interact recurrently with a particular technology artifact. Seen this way, technology-in-practice is emergent and enacted, not embodied or appropriated

Woolgar, S. 1991. The turn to technology in social studies of science. Science, Technology & Human Values16 (1):20

Orlikowski, W. J. 2000. Using technology and constituting structures: A practice lens for studying technology in organizations. Organization Science11 (4):404-428.

Orlikowski, W. J., and D. C. Gash. 1994. Technological frames: making sense of information technology in organizations. ACM Transactions on Information Systems (TOIS)12 (2):174-207.

To do so, researchers must pay due attention to the process and content of technology itself. Shifting away from “the impact” of technology, this body of research tends to highlight how technology is constructed during research, development and innovation phases, and how structural and political circumstances of its development are reflected in technology. Over time,STS scholars have embraced severaltheoretical approaches. Three of the most prominent are:the socialconstruction of technology (SCOT), focusing on constructs like interpretive flexibility and relevant actors; thesocial shaping of technology (SST) drawing on concepts like configurationand trajectories;and,actor-network theory (ANT) which introducesnetworks, enrollment, translation and irreversibility