so this was something that was in the air was that if they mainstreamed white supremacy correctly they could get 00:06:13 people to buy into it and not back away because they were afraid of being called racist

trying to figure out ways 00:06:38 that you could access people and make them feel like it's okay to lean into white nationalism that they don't have to be afraid of being branded with that label

they come from every socioeconomic status they're lawyers they have grad degrees they have college degrees and there's also people who come into it who only have a high school degree 00:01:53 but i think we really miss something if we believe that the white people in america and in other countries who are attracted to this movement come only from poverty or uneducated it's not accurate

i try to use the term white supremacy to talk about that history and white nationalism to talk about this 00:02:31 social movement and because it's a movement where people recognize each other they know uh their friends

a system of explicit group privilege that, in the name of “social justice,” demands equal results and explicitly sorts citizens into “protected classes” based on race and other demographic categories.

Note that Jay lists six factors binding the American people together, of which principle is only one—the most important or decisive one, but still only one, and insufficient by itself. The American founders understood that, for republicanism to function and endure, a republican people must share a large measure of commonality in manners, customs, language, and dedication to the common good.

one united people—a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs

She’d become a devotee of Joe Sobran, the late Catholic columnist who was fired from National Review after falling out with William F. Buckley and whose writings deeply influenced the paleoconservative movement, which emphasizes nationalism and noninterventionism. Over the course of his career, Sobran’s writing on Israel and Jews became extreme, and he associated with Holocaust deniers and questioned Holocaust history. McHugh had liked Ron Paul, for whom she was slightly too young to vote in 2008, so a friend at church had told her to read Sobran’s “The Reluctant Anarchist.” In the piece, written in 2002, Sobran describes how he moved away from the ideology of mainstream conservatism and toward becoming a “philosophical anarchist.” Sobran opposed the concept of the state as a unifying force of government; he opposed the very idea of so-called constitutional government. The argument made sense to the budding young libertarian in Pennsylvania. “That was my step into the right,” she said. “I think I’ve read every single thing Sobran’s ever written.” Sobran’s death was also her introduction to even further-right media; when he died in 2010, her online search for obituaries led her to the VDare and American Renaissance websites, she said.