Όλοι αυτοί είχαν ένα σημαντικό αβαντάζ εναντίον των Αράβων

Γι’ αυτό και οι δύο πλευρές ωθούν διαρκώς τα παιδιά τους σε τεκνογονία.

The author claims that compromise is justified for the sake of peace, sometimes even at the expense of justice.

“Tensions are rising across Tunisia,” Hamza Meddeb, of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, said. “We’re seeing the beginning of citizen militias and an angry public attacking the migrants. Something’s going to give … it’s inevitable. Tunisia has basically become a trap for migrants,” he said.

Tunisia: The migration trapRefugees and migrants from across Africa are becoming stranded, unable to return and persecuted by authorities.

In Venice they do let God see the pranksThey dare not show their husbands. Their bestconscience

Her eye must be fed, and what delight shall she haveto look on the devil?

the GI Bill provided a range of benefits to returning World War II veterans including low-cost mortgages job training and college tuition the implementation of these benefits was not Equitable across racial lines though the 00:04:36 legislation itself didn't explicitly differentiate benefits based on race in practice the distribution of its benefits was largely influenced by social and institutional racism the GI Bill worked in tandem with existing racially discriminating housing and 00:04:48 lending practices such as redlining and restrictive covenants which effectively excluded black veterans from enjoying the same opportunities for homeownership as their white counterparts redlining was a discriminatory practice where 00:05:00 lenders would designate neighborhoods with a high percentage of black people as high risk areas for mortgage lending these areas were often outlined in red on maps used by Banks and other lending institutions hence the term redlining 00:05:13 this led to a systemic denial of Home Loans or Insurance to People based on the racial or ethnic composition of their neighborhoods

This exclusionary argument has serious connotations for our times, where Indian cultural identity has been projected as Hindu from ancient times despite overwhelming historical evidence to the contrary, and hence cannot pass without criticism.

I årets rapport redovisar vi för andra gången även en statistisk sammanställning av den rasideologiska miljöns poddutgivning.

Avståndet mellan den rasideologiska miljön och SD minskar.

"Don't say he's old, but every time there's a knock on the door he yells 'Everybody hide, it's Indians!'"

“The reality is that tech companies have been using automated tools to moderate content for a really long time and while it’s touted as this sophisticated machine learning, it’s often just a list of words they think are problematic,” said Ángel Díaz, a lecturer at the UCLA School of Law who studies technology and racial discrimination.

Black and trans users, and those from other marginalized communities, often use algospeak to discuss the oppression they face, swapping out words for “white” or “racist.” Some are too nervous to utter the word “white” at all and simply hold their palm toward the camera to signify White people.

Many authors noted that generations tended to fall into clichés, especially when the system was confronted with scenarios less likely to be found in the model's training data. For example, Nelly Garcia noted the difficulty in writing about a lesbian romance — the model kept suggesting that she insert a male character or that she have the female protagonists talk about friendship. Yudhanjaya Wijeratne attempted to deviate from standard fantasy tropes (e.g. heroes as cartographers and builders, not warriors), but Wordcraft insisted on pushing the story toward the well-worn trope of a warrior hero fighting back enemy invaders.

i think that that kind of support is huge uh you can look specifically at charlottesville and see the reason that that march was so big 00:08:29 was because they saw themselves as fulfilling the promise of donald trump the reason why they were so public the reason why i we we can look at the manifestos of many 00:08:41 of the shoot mass shooters both in the united states and abroad over the last few years who named donald trump as part of their motivation and part of that is pr part of that is trying to get press 00:08:53 but part of it is real that if the presidency is held by somebody who holds a lot of the most extreme beliefs that they do it demonstrates to them that there is widespread mainstream support for those 00:09:05 beliefs and in the same way donald trump losing with those campaign platforms i expect will be a real blow to organizing far-right extremists and 00:09:16 anti-immigration groups and they'll still exist they will still keep organizing but it is going to be a lot less energy it is going to be more underground and it is going to wait until there's 00:09:28 another moment of political eruption when they'll come back again this has been the history for decades that this movement as i mentioned in the beginning goes back decades uh at least to the 1960s as a pretty 00:09:40 consistent movement with the same heroes and figures continuously over time and it has had moments where it went underground and has had moments where it was out in public with thousands of people 00:09:52 marching in the streets and whatever happens next it's still going to be there it's still going to be a concern it's still going to be recruiting people talking to people on the internet and in person and that's what we need to be watching 00:10:04 out for

so this was something that was in the air was that if they mainstreamed white supremacy correctly they could get 00:06:13 people to buy into it and not back away because they were afraid of being called racist

trying to figure out ways 00:06:38 that you could access people and make them feel like it's okay to lean into white nationalism that they don't have to be afraid of being branded with that label

i can use myself as an example here i i consider myself a pretty smart person i'm in grad school i tried to be really analytical my whole 00:03:56 life and yet i showed up at college when i was 19 years old believing that all the supposedly scientific stuff that white nationalists used to support the idea of race being predictive and segregation being 00:04:09 good and all this stupid stuff i totally believed i thought they were right and i thought everybody was just denying it and it took a community of people in college over years to condemn my beliefs to 00:04:22 show me uh kindness to show me real vitriol to be these in these private conversations where we could go over the facts and it took a long time for me thinking i was really smart and analytical to 00:04:35 accept that it was morally wrong that it was ethically wrong

derek black

insidious like racism

contemporary radical thinkersare more likely to see Enlightenment thought as the ultimate inreceived authority, as an intellectual movement whose mainachievement was to lay the foundations of a peculiarly modern formof rational individualism that became the basis of “scientific” racism,modern imperialism, exploitation, and genocide

The critical mistake that has been made in the past is that we have equatedthe question of who loses the game with the question of why the game produceslosers in the first place. They are, in fact, distinct and separate questions.

Engagement in Leonardo’s “third space” framework is supported by White people developing a nuanced understanding of their racialized selves. Helms (1984, 1990, 1995) offers a practical frame for this work in her model of White racial identity development. Helms’s framework describes six “statuses” of development in which White people may find themselves at any given time:1.Contact: Obliviousness to own racial identity2.Disintegration: First acknowledgment of White identity3.Reintegration: Idealizes Whites/denigrates (people of Color)4.Pseudo-independence: Intellectualized acceptance of own and others’ race5.Immersion/emersion: Honest appraisal of racism and significance of White identity6.Autonomy: Internalizes a multi-cultural identity with non-racist White identity as its core

And here’s the other thing: if they can manage to fight on, survive and thrive despite all that, I’m pretty sure you can deal with some ugliness in your timeline.

G.I. Bill, which was theoretically open to everyone, including to women, but that very few Black people could take advantage of because most colleges wouldn't admit them.

The overrepresentation of AfricanAmericans as poor, in and of itself, has been found to undermine support forantipoverty initiatives by activating racist and classist stereotypes about lazi-ness and lack of motivation among African Americans and people experiencingpoverty (see also Chapter 6).15

David Brady and colleagues have shown this to be empirically the case across29 rich democracies. The authors focused on four major risks of poverty—loweducation, single motherhood, young adults heading a household, and unem-ployment. They found that although the prevalence of these risks in the UnitedStates is actually below the average in other countries, the rate of poverty inthe United States is the highest. The reason is that “the penalties for risks inthe United States are the highest of the 29 countries. An individual with allfour risks has an extremely heightened probability of being poor in the UnitedStates.”

Limiting zoning regulations, allocating relocation vouchers (as my AEI colleague Michael Strain has proposed), and implementing school-choice reforms all might be among the options in tearing down the walls that separate the poor.

In a speech at a summer event in Romania on Saturday, the Hungarian far-right prime minister said migration has split Europe and the West in two, arguing that countries where European and non-European people mingle “are no longer nations: they are nothing more than a conglomeration of peoples.” “In the Carpathian Basin, we are not mixed race,” Orbán said, referring to a region shared by Romania and Hungary. “We are willing to mix with one another, but we do not want to become mixed race.”

In a speech Saturday in Baile Tusnad, Romania, where Orban addresses a school program every summer, the prime minister's remarks were especially polarizing. He carped about "mixed-race" populations and the "flooding" of Europe with non-European migrants, and referred to the racist concept of "population exchange." ''There is a world in which European peoples are mixed together with those arriving from outside Europe,'' he said. ''Now, that is a mixed-race world.'' In the Carpathian Basin, however, people are not mixed-race, he said: ''We are simply a mixture of peoples living in our own European homeland. ... We are willing to mix with one another, but we do not want to become peoples of mixed-race.''

Jack London, the noted American writer who summed up all the collective teeth-gnashing going on by openly calling for a "great white hope" to step up and win back their race's pride. London wrote: "Jim Jeffries must now emerge from his Alfalfa farm and remove that golden smile from Jack Johnson's face. Jeff, it's up to you. The White Man must be rescued."

2014 stod de så pass nära att Ulf Hansen var en av gästerna på en privat maskeradfest hemma hos Jimmie Åkesson och Louise Erixon. Alltså bara ett drygt år efter att Hansen visat sitt stöd för Hells Angels. Efter det kom Ulf Hansen allt närmare partiet. Hans bakgrund verkade inte vara ett problem. Inte heller den rasism han spred på nätet.  I mars 2015 postade Ulf Hansen ett inlägg med en länk till vit makt-filmen The End Game – Full White Genocide documentary. Konspirationsteorin om att det pågår ett folkmord på vita är central i vit makt-miljön och populariserades av den amerikanska terroristen David Lane. I anslutning till klippet som Ulf Hansen spred länkades till flera rasideologiska och antisemitiska sajter.

Fifteen Black former or current employees at Tesla filed a lawsuit against the electric-car maker on Thursday, alleging they were subjected to racial abuse and harassment at its factories.

that advanced AI is already reflecting our own prejudices and biases.

Ahmed teaches us how much we can learn from complaints. “The path of a complaint… teaches us something about how institutions work,” what she calls institutional mechanics.

I’ve also learned, thanks to my doctoral training in sociology, that one must expand one’s personal problems into the structural, to recognize what’s rotten at the local level as an instantiation of the institutional. Our best public sociologists, like Tressie McMillan Cottom and Jess Calarco, do this exceptionally well.

As Professor Thuesen explained, the key proponent of naming Archdale Hall for the state’s one-time colonial governor was Johns Hopkins University’s own Francis T. King. King was a business associate to Johns Hopkins and personally chosen by Hopkins to serve as a founding trustee of our university. As librarian and Professor of English Dorothy Lloyd Gilbert reported, students at Guilford advocated naming the new building Phoenix Hall; it was erected literally out of the ashes after a fire destroyed the school’s meeting house. King, who headed the Baltimore Association to Advise and Assist Friends in the Southern States, saw things otherwise and managed to prevail. Named in the 1880s, Archdale Hall still stands today and is the oldest building on the Guilford College campus.2

Even as he was critical of overabundance, Gesner exulted in it, seeking exhaustiveness in his accumulation of both themes and works from which others could choose according to their judgment and interests.

Neuropsychiatrists at UCLA had found a willing partner in Governor Reagan’s California Department of Justice, to the tune of $750,000 (equivalent to roughly $4.5 million today), and a whopping $1.5 million from the state. It was prominently affiliated with researchers like Vernon Mark and Frank Ervin, who had gained scientific fame for their work creating brain implants in human patients to change behavior and motivation; also on board was former LAPD police chief James Fiske, a man known for terrorizing the city’s Black population.

First, consider who gets to make the rules. Tenured scholars who, as we’ve noted, are mostly white and male, largely make the rules that determine who else can join the tenured ranks. This involves what sociologists call “boundary work,” or the practice of a group setting rules to determine who is good enough to join. And as such, many of the rules established around tenure over the years work really well for white scholars, but don’t adequately capture the contributions of scholars of color.

Among the many purported benefits of diversity initiatives is the promise that when minority members contribute novel perspectives, they create a learning opportunity for their peers. However, for minority contributions to affect the performance of others, majority members must attend to them.

By investigating the patterns of who pays attention to whom, our study provides evidence of a racial attention deficit: Even when in their self-interest, Whites pay less attention to Black peers. Specifically, White Americans rate Black peers as less competent than White ones and are less likely to follow their example as a guide to making a better decision.

But the coverage, as our editorial page later noted in 2018, “deplored the inhumanity of the perpetrators without ever really acknowledging the humanity of the victims” or the community terrorized by their brutal deaths. The ire was directed at the “poor, white trash” killers, as Mencken put it; there was no empathy for — or even real interest in — the Black victims.

The next year, the paper wrote glowingly in its news pages of a segregation ordinance — “preventing negroes from moving” into majority-white neighborhoods and vice versa — signed into law in 1910. The measure was drafted, one article claimed, after white residents in the northwest section of the city decried “the encroachment of the negroes into white residential sections, lowering property values and driving white people from the neighborhoods in which, previous to the black invasion, they had liked to live.” As Antero Pietila, a former Sun reporter, noted in his 2010 book, “Not in My Neighborhood: How Bigotry Shaped a Great American City,” that particular ordinance paved the way for residential segregation in America. Nothing else like it was on the books anywhere, and legislation modeled after it soon sprung up in other regions of the country.

Pretending we were all the same never worked, because it ignored the fact that we’re not all given the same opportunities to succeed or fail on our merits; some are privileged, others are oppressed. Refusing to recognize that only prolonged difficult conversations and much-needed soul-searching, dooming more generations to repeat the cycle.

Little Free Anti-Racism Library Los Angeles, California 90045USAFind us at 33.9620, -118.4176

Our brains work not that differently in terms of interconnectedness.Psychologists used to think of the brain as a limited storage spacethat slowly fills up and makes it more difficult to learn late in life. Butwe know today that the more connected information we alreadyhave, the easier it is to learn, because new information can dock tothat information. Yes, our ability to learn isolated facts is indeedlimited and probably decreases with age. But if facts are not kept

Consider, as well, the extent to which the tools of abstraction are themselves tied up in the history of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. As the historian Jennifer L. Morgan notes in “Reckoning With Slavery: Gender, Kinship, and Capitalism in the Early Black Atlantic,” the fathers of modern demography, the 17th-century English writers and mathematicians William Petty and John Graunt, were “thinking through problems of population and mobility at precisely the moment when England had solidified its commitment to the slave trade.”Their questions were ones of statecraft: How could England increase its wealth? How could it handle its surplus population? And what would it do with “excessive populations that did not consume” in the formal market? Petty was concerned with Ireland — Britain’s first colony, of sorts — and the Irish. He thought that if they could be forcibly transferred to England, then they could, in Morgan’s words, become “something valuable because of their ability to augment the population and labor power of the English.”This conceptual breakthrough, Morgan told me in an interview, cannot be disentangled from the slave trade. The English, she said, “are learning to think about people as ‘abstractable.’

Companies should not assume they can release a product without thinking about its unintended uses and then undo the harm that results. This often doesn’t work.Some technology

and being, for the most part, of the same blood and lineage

Or, in Lallemant’s words: ‘I can say in truth that, asregards intelligence, they are in no wise inferior to Europeans and tothose who dwell in France. I would never have believed that, withoutinstruction, nature could have supplied a most ready and vigorouseloquence, which I have admired in many Hurons; or more clear-sightedness in public affairs, or a more discreet management inthings to which they are accustomed.’25

Any Negro who wishes to live must live with danger from his first day, and no experience can ever be casual to him, no Negro can saunter down a street with any real certainty that violence will not visit him on his walk.

If you visit the Web site of the Online Computer Library Center and look at its WorldMap, you can see the numbers of books in public and academic systems around the world. Sixty million Britons have a hundred and sixteen million public-library books at their disposal, while more than 1.1 billion Indians have only thirty-six million. Poverty, in other words, is embodied in lack of print as well as in lack of food. The Internet will do much to redress this imbalance, by providing Western books for non-Western readers. What it will do for non-Western books is less clear.

The unwritten rule of Cybernetics seems to be - Maintain the homeostasis until you break it for the better. #Cybernetics #Ashby

ένα αποκλειστικά λευκό σώμα ενόρκων

Nuance and ambiguity are essential to good fiction. They are also essential to the rule of law: We have courts, juries, judges, and witnesses precisely so that the state can learn whether a crime has been committed before it administers punishment. We have a presumption of innocence for the accused. We have a right to self-defense. We have a statute of limitations.

There is a reason that Laura Kipnis, an academic at Northwestern, required an entire book, Unwanted Advances: Sexual Paranoia Comes to Campus, to recount the repercussions, including to herself, of two allegations of sexual harassment against one man at her university; after she referred to the case in an article about “sexual paranoia,” students demanded that the university investigate her, too. A full explanation of the personal, professional, and political nuances in both cases needed a lot of space.

με την εξαίρεση του συναδέλφου του που δήλωσε ότι η προβολή και μόνο του φιλμ ειναι «πράξη ρατσιστική, ανεξάρτητα από τις προθέσεις του καθηγητή [Σενγκ]»

Analog zur Struktur des Zettelkastens baut Luhmanns Systemtheorie nicht auf Axiome und bietet keine Hierarchien von Begriffen oder Thesen. Zentrale Begriffe sind, ebenso wie die einzelnen Zettel, stark untereinander vernetzt und gewinnen erst im Kontext Bedeutung.

Part of the reason "race" & "gender" as identities make people so angry (aside from those people being comemierdas) is that they're used as immutable characteristics visible from the outside -b/c the State really, really wants them to be- while they are, scientifically, not.

The idea of development suggests that communities of Color are impoverished because of some inherent failing, rather than as a result of having their resources pillaged. Development narratives imply that they don’t have the skills, technology, or education to fix things for themselves.

terrifyingothers from the like practices. . .

Black and white worked together, fraternized together. The very fact thatlaws had to be passed after a while to forbid such relations indicates thestrength of that tendency. In 1661 a law was passed in Virginia that “in caseany English servant shall run away in company of any Negroes” he would haveto give special service for extra years to the master of the runaway Negro. In1691, Virginia provided for the banishment of any “white man or woman beingfree who shall intermarry with a negro, mulatoo, or Indian man or woman bondor free.”

Sometimes it is noted that, even before 1600, when the slave trade had justbegun, before Africans were stamped by it—literally and symbolically—thecolor black was distasteful. In England, before 1600, it meant, according to theOxford English Dictionary: “Deeply stained with dirt; soiled, dirty, foul.Having dark or deadly purposes, malignant; pertaining to or involving death,deadly; baneful, disastrous, sinister. Foul, iniquitous, atrocious, horriblywicked. Indicating disgrace, censure, liability to punishment, etc.” AndElizabethan poetry often used the color white in connection with beauty

This unequal treatment, this developing combination of contempt andoppression, feeling and action, which we call “racism”—was this the result ofa “natural” antipathy of white against black? The question is important, not justas a matter of historical accuracy, but because any emphasis on “natural”racism lightens the responsibility of the social system. If racism can’t beshown to be natural, then it is the result of certain conditions, and we areimpelled to eliminate those conditions.

used as norms and standards without being pro-actively named or chosen by the group.