As Jeff Smith recommends in his attempt to combat the political passivity of "illegeracy," people "naturally take an interest in things that affect their lives, particularly if they feel it's up to them how those things will be decided.

According to Smith, our challenge is to show people how they are already affected by political events and debates.

have attempted to implement this kind of rhetorical approach in my own classroom, although the project is ongoing and far from perfect.

However, we can imagine a dif-ferent kind of investment and care that is habituated in the work of inquiry, not in the work of feeling.

Such a task is not possible, nor is it desirable.

This is not to say that I imagine some way in which feeling is removed from the site of pedagogy or public rhetoric. Such a task is not possible, nor is it desirable.

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But, more im-portantly, driving past a B P station and into another gas station does not solve the problem of petroleum mining, which led to the Deepwater Horizon tragedy.

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E-mails, Web sites, letters, and even flyers

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engagement, and while

As white students, they felt disconnected from the historical details contained in the archives.

Students assured me that they were inter-ested and passionate about other subjects that could also be studied in the ar-chives: campus architecture, other student organizations, or even important historical figures who contributed to campus life.

However, the conclusions themselves were troubling in the ways they reflected my peda-gogy.

xperiences, learns, understands, and invents

The papers them-selves were well-written, creative, and visually masterful.

Others, meanwhile, were visibly disappointed

home, depending

During the next class, I once again announced that this focus would be our group's only task

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This means that I must plan the classes at least a few days in advance, giving the administra-tive assistant time to copy the handout for me.

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Latour suggests that nonhuman actants can redistribute competencies, generate the potential for certain narrative frames, and even shift their own delegation of necessary action

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consider how human users adjust their practices accord-ing to the particular ways the nonhuman materials work

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Many scholars see the job of rhetorical pedagogy

The practice advocated by Wells and Weisser reaffirms

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Many scholars see the job of rhetorical pedagogy as helping students to forge real relationships with publics and counterpublics.

The subject is implicated within the process, and that relational position is also revealed in the act of investigation.

No matter how good it feels to drive past a BP station, truly sustainable thinking demands that we think about this crisis across incongruent and asymmetrical networks.

The subject is implicated within the process, and that relational position is also revealed in the act of investigation.

I have argued that the exceptional public subject is cultivated through vernac-ular patterns of public talk.

changes, and

Education will continue to be what Lynn Worsham calls an edu-cation of sentiment

By emphasizing inquiry as a legitimate mode of relating to the world, we can help to cultivate citizens who avoid writing themselves out of the public scene of crisis

I hope that the class also gave them some opportunity to think of themselves as subjects who re-late through question, investigation, and inquiry

Rhetoric is the art, the fine and useful art, of making things mat-ter

inquiry is the endless survey of the networks within which a crisis is embedded

By encouraging subjects whore-late to the world through questions, wonder, inquiry, investigation, archive, we are disallowing subjects who write themselves out of the scene of rhetoric. We are closing down those spaces of exception

but I offer it as a way to provide vocabulary for what actor-network theo-rists call "network tracing"

lot of conversation between young and old people about how the city has changed, or why we live where we do

cotton ball incident shows that racism is not a dead issue

I know that I cannot simply run downstairs at the last minute to copy a handout for my class because the machine almost always has some problem

Of course, none of us wanted

Furthermore, each of us is situated

Public writing in the composition classroom, then, is a process of students "speak[ing] in their own skins to a broad audience with some hope of effectiveness

rhetorical pedagogy as helping students to forge real relationships with publics and counterpublics.

Moreover, the telos of network tracing and rhetorical inquiry is located within the process itself. Inquiry is the rhetorical goal.

Western doctors depend upon listening to a patient's complaints, while a non-Western doctor often re-lies upon the (dis)coloration of a patient's skin and eyes.

The popular call for us to boycott B P gas stations fails to place the event within multiple networks, which ultimately would call for us to con-sider much more dramatic changes than where we fill up next time.

pedagogical

he found this assignment easy because he could write about what was interesting to him personally.

even flyers asked drivers to pass BP filling sta-tions the next time they needed gas.

People were understandably out-raged by the events that unfolded around the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig explosion.

nexus

In fact, it does not matter whether one cares or does not care about the issue at hand. What matters is the challenge of inquiry itself.

pedagogy

How can our public discourse ethically address the problems of development?

Rhetorical pedagogies have a deep commitment to helping students make connections with public issues, including helping them to understand how those issues affect them

It's always easier to write about something you feel passionately about.

Boycotting BP does not consider how drilling is spread asymmetrically across many networks, including across international networks that often remain invisible. Although the Deepwater Horizon spill gained much attention at home, even greater oil spills in the Niger Delta have been happening for decades without much awareness

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purloin

For example, Elise C. Boddie argues that places have racial identities based on their history of or reputation for exclusion, and that courts should consider this racial meaning for purposes of racial discrimination claims.64

ibertarian paternalism

Exclusion through architecture should be subject to scru-tiny that is equal to that afforded to other methods of exclusion by law.

However, many commu-nities lack sidewalks and crosswalks, making it difficult to cross the street or walk through a neighborhood. Sometimes this is intentional

“traffic logic”: the idea that planners and civil engineers prioritize the flow of pedestrians and traffic through a physical space, with a focus on civil engineer-ing, rather than prioritizing equal access to a physical space for all

Although the fence was finally removed in May 2014

The lack of secure pedestrian infrastructure makes areas more difficult to access in a safe and easy manner.

some, b

ghettos and exclusionary suburbs are spatial entities; . . . access, exclu-sion, confinement . . . are spatial experience

That a town has a squ

“small and apparently insignificant [architectural] details can have major impacts on people’s behavior.”

courts, but

ordinances

At the request of white residents, in 1974 the city of Memphis closed off a street that connected an all-white neighborhood to a primarily black one.9

transit would enable people who live in poorer areas of the cities to easily access these wealthier areas.

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libertarian paternalism

race or cla

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police forces

civil engineering, city planning, urban design, and transit routing.

laws restricting the use of eminent domain; however, many of those new laws retained exceptions allowing its use to clear blight.

This fence, which was constructed by the local housing authority with funding from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), blocked access to and through Rosedale, a contiguous, mostly white neighborhood.

The architected urban landscape regulates, and the architecture itself is a form of regulation.

Although the Atlanta, Georgia, metropolitan area is known for its car-centric, sprawling development patterns, it has a subway system: the Metro-politan Atlanta Regional Transit Authority (MARTA).

‘neutral’ design

becomes just another part of the landscape

Social norms encouraged some to threaten undesirable persons with violence if they were to enter or remain in certain

“allows government to shape our actions with-out our perceiving that our experience has been deliberately shaped.”

Similarly, upon seeing a bridge, or a one-way street, or a street sign, many people tend to think that these are just features of a place—innocuous and

Throughout history, people have used varied methods to exclude undesira-ble individuals from places where they were not wanted.

uding Lessig—have begun to consider the built environment’s regulatory role. Regulation through architecture is just as powerful as law, but it is less explicit, less identifiable, and less familiar to courts, legislators, and the general public

he Court could not see

Throughout history, people have used varied methods to exclude undesira-ble individuals from places where they were not wanted.

Although exclusion is perhaps the most important stick in the bundle of property rights, and although certain forms of exclusion can have beneficial results

This Article examines the sometimes subtle ways that the built environ-ment has been used to keep certain segments of the population—typically poor people and people of color—separate from others

primarily the poor and people of color—to access job opportu-nities located in those suburbs.

This design decision meant that many people of color and poor people, who most often relied on public transportation, lacked access to the lauded public park at Jones Beach.

constrains the behavior of those who interact with it, often without their even realizing it

We often experience our physical environment without giving its features much thought.

author.

The placement of highways so as to intentionally displace poor black neighborhoods is even more familiar.152 Policymakers “purposeful[ly]” decided to route highways through the center of cities, often with the intent “to destroy low-income and especially black neighborhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscapes of the postwar American city.”153

Residents and policymak-ers in those areas have rejected proposals to bring Atlanta’s rapid transit net-work (MARTA) into their communities, which would have allowed inner-city workers easy access to these suburban jobs via public transit.

the yale law journal124:1934 2015 neighborhoods.115 Katyal notes that traffic measures implemented in North London resulted in a neighborhood transformed “from a noisy and hazardous ‘red light’ district into a relatively tranquil residential area.”116 The possibility of transformation as a result of architecture raises a related question: where did the people who were using these streets prior to the architectural intervention go? Presumably, they were pushed to a different—possibly less affluent—part of town.117 This suggests that the area from which they were expunged may have had residents with sufficient political capital to organize and make this change happen. B. Transit Communities also engage in architectural exclusion in the way they design and place public transit and transportation infrastructure. The siting of bus stops and subway stations changes the built environment. These routing deci-sions and patterns have a dramatic impact on the mobility of individuals through, and the accessibility of, different areas of the community.118 Further, transit siting and infrastructure decisions are often implemented with the in-tention of making it more difficult for certain groups of people to access certain parts of the community.11

Local governments also take affirmative steps to install exclusionary archi-tecture themselves. Often, cities use barriers and blockades to mold traffic pat-terns. For example, the concrete barriers and bollards that exist throughout the streets of Berkeley, California, were installed to calm traffic

Street grid design, one-way streets, the absence of sidewalks and crosswalks, the location of highways and transit stops, and even residential parking permit requirements can shape the demographics of a city and isolate a neighborhood from those surrounding it, often intentionally.

Consequently, it makes even more sense to apply the concept of regulation through architecture to the built environment than it does to apply it to the Internet or structuring decisions.

that behavior may be regu-lated or constrained, in part, by “architecture.

Wealthy communities have declined to be served by public transit so as to make it difficult for individuals from poorer areas to access their neighborhoods.

Throughout history, people have used varied methods to exclude undesira-ble individuals from places where they were not wanted.

The U.S. Supreme Court dismissed a challenge to this action, stating that the road closure was just a “routine burden of citizenship” and a “slight inconvenience.

Moses directed that these overpasses be built inten-tionally low so that buses could not pass under them.4

features of the built environment that function to con-trol human behavior or hinder access

Decisions about infrastructure shape more than just the physical city; those decisions also influ-ence the way that residents and visitors experience the city

Problems with how the attorney general’s office enforced the Drug-, Firearm-, or Prostitution-Related Nuisance Abatement Act were detailed in a recent Post investigation

The typical U.S. worker now needs to earn $52,700 a year to be able to afford the monthly payments for a home worth the national median of $240,700, according to a recent report released by HSH.com, a mortgage information website.

prompting merchants in the mid-1980s to fear the “Georgetownization of Adams Morgan,” as The Post put it.