must extend beyond that which appears solely technical into the realm of social relations.

communism of consumption’ of their eastern Buddhist counterparts

communism of production

I'm saying that 2008 was to capitalism that which 1991 was to Soviet communism it's end

he redefines collec-tivism as the handmaiden of individ-ualism;

Samuel observes that it was in studying the social and economic history of poaching that oral sources proved most revelatory. His interviews showed that the relatively small number of poachers who appeared in court records in the late 19th century were not the most prolific but the worst at getting away with it. In the years before the Great War, poaching was organised and knitted into the local economy and seasonal patterns of labour. Gangs of poachers took orders, traded door to door, and sold on to fences who supplied butchers in Oxford’s covered market. A retired practitioner, a longtime antagonist of the local gamekeepers, trained lurchers for the gangs. Amateurs, in it perhaps partly for the thrill, were not considered ‘real’ poachers by the pros.

Samuel joined the party as soon as he was old enough, but left as part of the mass exodus prompted by Khrushchev’s secret speech and the Soviet crushing of the Hungarian uprising in 1956.

in a capitalist society like the USA the collective element failed and in a communist society like the former USSR the individual element failed

in 1946, Joseph Stalin had changed tack, feeling that he needed religion to shore up popular support. He revived the Church in zombified form, an instrument of the state that was massively surveilled and controlled by the security services. When some of the KGB’s archives were exposed in 2014—thanks in part to the brave efforts of the late Gleb Yakunin, a dissident Russian priest who spent years in prison—the collusion of the Church’s leaders was revealed.

democracyrequires liberal education for all.

Observing the wider world, Beatrice wrote of "Russian communism and Italian Fascism" as "two sides of the worship of force and the practice of cruel intolerance" and she was disturbed that "this spirit is creeping into the USA and even ... into Great Britain."[16]

a lot of trade unions and ngos in sri lanka who play an active role as political pressure groups always remember any kind of union will have its root traced to the communist ideology and to be very honest that is what has opened the doors to huge level of 00:10:11 corruption in sri lankan politics

most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends of the people, namely moderate-socialist or social-democratic leaders (in other words, non-Communist left-wing). These are more dangerous than out-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least march under their true colors, whereas moderate left-wing leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to seine interests of reactionary capital

The despicable betrayal of socialism by the majority of the official leaders of this proletariat in 1914-19, when “defence of country” was used as a social-chauvinist cloak to conceal the defence of the “right” of their “own” bourgeoisie to oppress colonies and fleece financially dependent countries

The urgency of the struggle against this evil, against the most deep-rooted petty-bourgeois national prejudices, looms ever larger with the mounting exigency of the task of converting the dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e., existing in a single country and incapable of determining world politics) into an international one (i.e., a dictatorship of the proletariat involving at least several advanced countries, and capable of exercising a decisive influence upon world politics as a whole)

that there is a tendency towards the creation of a single world economy, regulated by the proletariat of all nations as an integral whole and according to a common plan.

Federation is a transitional form to the complete unity of the working people of different nations

communism

but it's also the question of property rights. [

In fact, says Resnick, the years ahead may produce a new form of communism - a system based on ownership of private property, stock markets and political freedom, but allowing workers to decide how the profits of their work are allocated.

“When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist.” ― Dom Helder Camara, Dom Helder Camara: Essential Writings

But the central claim here – that the old state was ‘smashed’ in 1917 and a new one based (however fleetingly) on soviet institutions set up in its place – is a myth.

A later statement by Lenin from 1923 is quite instructive in this respect (and completely at odds with his earlier declaration): Our state apparatus, with the exception of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, represents in the highest degree a hangover of the old one, subjected to only the slightest extent to any serious change.

left theorists such Nikos Poulantzas, Ralph Miliband, and André Gorz, Ed became deeply engaged with the question of how to democratically transform the state and how rupture with capitalism might be achieved in technologically and materially advanced societies where the classically Leninist strategy of dual power seemed to lack relevance.

του Δρ. Εντ Ρούκσμπι, που έχασε τη ζωή του μετά από εννέα και πλέον μήνες μάχης με τις συνέπειες της Long Covid​.

But after Lenin's death in 1923, says Wolff, Stalin short-circuited those plans by simply declaring the Soviet Union a communist-socialist state.

Κορνηλιος: Για λογους ιστορικους δεν χρησιμοποιω πλεον τον ορο «σοσιαλισμος». Ο ορος αυτος εχει ανεπανορθωτα εκπορνευτει απο τους κομμουνιστες, τους σοσιαλιστες, τους σοσιαλδημοκρατες, τους εθνικοσοσιαλιστες. Στο ακουσμα του και μονο ακομη και οι πιο καλοπροαιρετοι ανθρωποι γυριζουν την πλατη τους. Προτιμω λοιπον τη διαζευξη «αυτονομια ή βαρβαροτητα».

τις «φιλελεύθερες δημοκρατίες» της Δύσης θεωρούσε ότι το κριτήριο ταξικής διαφοροπόίησης είχε πάψει να είναι πλέον η κατοχή και ο έλεγχος των μέσων παραγωγής, αλλά η κατοχή και η ικανότητα άσκησης εξουσίας.

Πρέπει να ξαναβάλουμε τον Mαρξ στη θέση του, σαν έναν από τους μεγάλους στοχαστές της ανθρωπότητας, αλλά όχι σαν προφήτη, όχι σαν Θεό, όχι σαν έναν άνθρωπο που έγραψε τα εμπνευσμένα βιβλία, την καινούρια Aγία Γραφή, τις μεταρρυθμίσεις της κοινωνίας.

Religion, the dominion of the human mind

One of the books for which Jack Diggins was most well known was Up from Communism, a group portrait of four American intellectuals — Max Eastman, John Dos Passos, James Burnham, and Will Herberg — who over time traded their youthful flirtations with leftist radicalism for supposedly more sober forms of conservatism. First published in 1975, the book was, in its own way, an account of the “exhaustion of utopian energies.” It was about thinkers for whom “the problem with utopia” became “not how to realize it but how to prevent its realization.” [25] In other words, up from communism meant down with utopia.

the critique of a thing is inherent in the alternative presented

About

Beginning with the famous third plenum of the Tenth Central Committee in 1978, the Chinese Communist party set about decollectivizing agriculture for the 800 million Chinese who still lived in the countryside. The role of the state in agriculture was reduced to that of a tax collector, while production of consumer goods was sharply increased in order to give peasants a taste of the universal homogenous state and thereby an incentive to work. The reform doubled Chinese grain output in only five years, and in the process created for Deng Xiaoping a solid political base from which he was able to extend the reform to other parts of the economy. Economic Statistics do not begin to describe the dynamism, initiative, and openness evident in China since the reform began.

Fukuyama’s argument was that, with the imminent collapse of the Soviet Union, the last ideological alternative to liberalism had been eliminated.

In the communist mode there are no classes because private property has been abolished -individuals are not able to own the means of produc

privateown-ership of the means of production -is abolishedand allproductivemeans are collectively owned. This, Marx argues, alsobringsabouttheendofalienationandthebeginningsofasocialorderwhichcanutilize the productive power of the capitalist infrastructuretosupportthefull development and enjoyment of those aspects of social relation-ships previously distorted by the endless pursuit of privateprofitforthe bourgeoisie. The productive efficiency of capitalism cannowbedirected to supporting all members of society. The promiseofcommu-nism for Marx lies in its enabling people to control theirowndestiny

proletarianise

Is capitalism hierarchical?

In my fifth-grade language instruction class in 2002, we would read aloud, in unison, phrases such as "Comrade, stone them!"

Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.