"The Gods of Greece" ("Die Götter Griechenlandes") is a 1788 poem by the German writer Friedrich Schiller. It was first published in Wieland's Der Teutsche Merkur, with a second, shorter version (with much of its controversial content removed) published by Schiller himself in 1800. Schiller's poem proved influential in light of German Philhellenism and seems to have influenced later German thinkers' views on history, Paganism and myth, possibly including Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Max Weber.

Beyond the web of stories the founding generation itself wove, ourmodern beliefs have most to do with the grand mythmakers of thenineteenth century. The inspired historians of that period were nearly allNew Englanders; they outpaced all others in shaping the historicalnarrative, so that the dominant story of origins worked in their favor. That ishow we got the primordial Puritan narrative of a sentimental communityand a commendable work ethic.

Lamprecht's ambitious Deutsche Geschichte (13 vols., 1891-1908) on the whole trajectory of German history sparked a famous Methodenstreit (methodological dispute) within Germany's academic history establishment, especially Max Weber, who habitually referred to Lamprecht as a mere dilettante. Lamprecht came under criticism from scholars of legal and constitutional history like Friedrich Meinecke and Georg von Below for his lack of methodological rigor and inattention to important political trends and ideologies. As a result, Lamprecht and his students were marginalized by German academia, and interdisciplinary social history remained something of a taboo among German historians for much of the twentieth century.

Verstehen (German pronunciation: [fɛɐˈʃteːən], lit. transl. "to understand"), in the context of German philosophy and social sciences in general, has been used since the late 19th century – in English as in German – with the particular sense of the "interpretive or participatory" examination of social phenomena.[1] The term is closely associated with the work of the German sociologist Max Weber, whose antipositivism established an alternative to prior sociological positivism and economic determinism, rooted in the analysis of social action.[2] In anthropology, Verstehen has come to mean a systematic interpretive process in which an outside observer of a culture attempts to relate to it and understand others.

Weber left home and lived in poverty while working as a street-corner evangelist and social activist for two years with the evangelical Church Army Workers, an organization similar to the Salvation Army, preaching and singing hymns on street corners and singing and playing the organ in rescue missions in red-light districts in Pittsburgh and New York,[13][33] until the Church Army Workers disbanded in 1900.

we found this extraordinary paper from 1951 I think by Goldschmidt Walter Goldschmidt which nobody's read it has 00:29:14 got a very strange title something like a contribution to ethical and philosophical sociology or something which tells you very little about its content but it's about these Californian foragers who live next door to the 00:29:27 highly aristocratic slave keeping fishermen of the northwest coast and what Goldschmidt who was a student of Alfred Kroeber I believe the great sort of Dayan of 00:29:40 California anthropology what he argues there point four point is that these Californian hunter-gatherers actually had a kind of work ethic which is remarkably similar to what Max Weber 00:29:54 classically described as the Protestant work ethic of central and northern Europe

La tesis contraria a la centralidad de los clásicos da por supuesto que una ciencia es acumulativa en tanto que es empírica, y que en tanto que es acumulativa no creará clásicos. Sostendré, por el contrario, que el hecho de que una disciplina posea clásicos no depende var _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____ = function(name) {return (self._wb_wombat && self._wb_wombat.local_init && self._wb_wombat.local_init(name)) || self[name]; }; if (!self.__WB_pmw) { self.__WB_pmw = function(obj) { this.__WB_source = obj; return this; } } { let window = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("window"); let self = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("self"); let document = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("document"); let location = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("location"); let top = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("top"); let parent = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("parent"); let frames = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("frames"); let opener = _____WB$wombat$assign$function_____("opener"); { (function() { var pageParams = {"origHeight": 1167, "origWidth": 902, "fonts": [0, 1, 3], "pageNum": 5}; pageParams.containerElem = document.getElementById("outer_page_5"); pageParams.contentUrl = "https://html.scribdassets.com/2o4rc7g5a85uxtsa/pages/5-82d53ee784.jsonp"; pageParams.blur = false var page = docManager.addPage(pageParams); })(); }}    6 de su empirismo sino del consenso que exista dentro de esa disciplina acerca de cuestiones no empíricas.

«La prueba más convincente del conocimiento verdaderamente acumulativo», afirma Merton, «es que inteligencias del montón pueden resolver hoy problemas que, tiempo atrás, grandes inteligencias no podían siquiera comenzar a resolver». En una verdadera ciencia, por tanto, «la conmemoración de los que en el pasado hicieron grandes aportaciones está esencialmente reservada a la historia de la disciplina

Por otro lado, de Inmanuel Kant parte Weber para construir su teoría de los tipos ideales, “categorías-tipo” o “conceptos-tipo”

Max Weber, 100 años después

Though he doesnot discuss mnemonics, Thomas Sloane similarly argues that classical invention—a process thattakes not only logic but also“sense, imagination, and emotions”into consideration—is irreparablyneutered by Ramism (137).

. It cannot be programmed, despitethe structural an d cultural ‘groundwork’. However, the interaction re ect s these externalconditions in itsel

The extreme case is found in so-called ritual transmission of charisma.

s, and in this feeling, they are often quitecorrect: What ordinary men are directly

The working consensus orients toward a particular definition of the situation, which includes status and roles. But for different settings there will be different definitions of the situation, some of which include status and some not. In my classroom, for instance, I can effectively maintain my social superiority by successfully performing as a teacher. Goffman is careful to point out, however, that I can do so only through the cooperation of others. When I go home on the trolley, however, the definition of the situation does not include any particular sta

A second strand in the development of the American prosperity gospel was the valorization of the “Protestant work ethic.” Written in 1905, Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism traced what he saw as the specifically Protestant approach to labor as integral to the development of capitalism and industrialization. In Weber’s historical analysis, Protestant Calvinists — who generally believe in the idea of “predestination,” or that God has chosen some people to be saved and others damned — felt the need to justify their own sense of themselves as the saved. They looked both for outward signs of God’s favor (i.e., through material success) and for ways to express inward virtue (i.e., through hard work). While the accuracy of Weber’s analysis is still debated by scholars, it nevertheless tells us a lot about cultural attitudes at the time Weber wrote it.

If Henrich’s history of Christianity and the West feels rushed and at times derivative—he acknowledges his debt to Max Weber—that’s because he’s in a hurry to explain Western psychology.

ame commanding, aggressive, cultural capi tal that offended the teachers appealed to the LSC. With deference in the eyes of the LSC, Mrs. Kox had the symbolic power to redefine the LSCs method of principal evaluation in a way that protected her from the teachers' attacks

And of course, to accept the con- ventions and norms as given (and to initiate one's action accordingly), is, in effect, to put trust in those about one. Not doing so, one could hardly get on with the business at hand; one could hardly have any- business at hand.

Perhaps behind a willingness to accept the way things are ordered is the brutal fact of one's place in the social structure and the real or imagined cost of allowing oneself to be singled out as a malcontent

rs. Kox's cultural capital works in this institutional context.

he "author itarian" cultural style that the teachers resent ed appealed to Stan, and he thought Kox was the best person to "take the lead" as the school navigated accountability reforms

rs. Kox lacks the symbolic power to frame even simple things in ways that induce compliance, which makes it difficult for her to (as she said) "get things done."

These three strands collided throughout the twentieth century, as the prosperity gospel came into being. It started — like the “work ethic” Max Weber described — as a way to justify why, during the Gilded Age, some people were rich and others poor. (One early prosperity gospel proponent, Baptist preacher Russell H. Conwell, told his mostly-destitute congregation in 1915: “I say you ought to be rich; you have no right to be poor.”) Instead of blaming structural inequality, Conwell and those like him blamed the perceived failures of the individual.

What is missing here is any serious consideration of the idea that the kind of processes Weber (1992 [1930]) attributed to modern Calvinist theology and practice – much less any kind of intentional social engagement (see Miller & Yamamori 2007) – might be evident in late‐modern Pentecostalism.

Der Gerichtshof muss jedoch angesichts der Gefahr, dass ein System der geheimen Überwachung zum Schutz der nationalen Sicherheit unter dem Vorwand, die Demokratie zu verteidigen, diese unterminieren oder sogar zerstören könnte, davon überzeugt sein, dass angemessene und wirksame Garantien gegen Missbrauch vorgesehen sind

Mindestgarantien entwickelt, die zur Vermeidung von Machtmissbrauch in den gesetzlichen Regelungen enthalten sein sollten: Die Art der Straftaten, die eine Überwa­chungsanordnung rechtfertigen können; eine Beschreibung der Personengruppen, bei denen Telefongespräche abgehört werden können; die Begrenzung der Dauer der Abhörmaß­nahme; das Verfahren für die Auswertung, Verwendung und Speicherung der erlangten Da­ten; die bei der Übermittlung der Daten an andere Parteien zu beachtenden Vorsichtsmaß­nahmen und die Umstände, unter denen die Aufzeichnungen gelöscht und die Bänder ver­nichtet werden müssen oder dürfen

Jedoch ist insbesondere bei der geheimen Ausübung einer der Exekutive zustehenden Befugnis die Gefahr der Willkür offensichtlich (siehe u. a. Malone, a.a.O., S. 32 Nr. 67; Huvig, a.a.O., S. 54-55, Nr. 29; und Rotaru, a.a.O., Nr. 55). Daher ist für die Überwachung von Telefonge­sprächen eine klare, detaillierte Regelung unerlässlich, insbesondere wegen der ständigen Weiterentwicklung der verfügbaren Technik (siehe Urteil Kopp ./. Schweiz vom 25. März 1998, Urteils- und Entscheidungssammlung 1998-II, S. 542-43, Nr. 72, und Urteil Valenzuela Contreras ./. Spanien vom 30. Juli 1998, Urteils- und Entscheidungssammlung 1998-V, S. 1924-25, Nr. 46). Das innerstaatliche Recht muss hinreichend klar und für die Bürger in an­gemessener Weise erkennbar darlegen, unter welchen Umständen und Bedingungen die öffentlichen Behörden befugt sind, auf solche Maßnahmen zurückzugreifen (siehe Malone, a.a.O.; Kopp, a.a.O., S. 541, Nr. 64; Huvig, a.a.O., S. 54-55, Nr. 29; und Valenzuela Contreras, a.a.O.).

power (in a Weberian sense)