This is why choosing an external system that forces us todeliberate practice and confronts us as much as possible with ourlack of understanding or not-yet-learned information is such a smartmove.

three types of vanishing structures

Wichtiger jedochist die Ordnung, in der die Zettel innerhalb des Kastenszueinander stehen. Man kann davon ausgehen, dass diesenie unverändert blieb, sondern dass Warburg diese Ord-nung ständiger Revision und Veränderung unterzog.348 DieRegisterkarten verliehen so der flüssigen Beweglichkeitdes Sammelsuriums einen gewissen Halt.

A data model can sometimes be referred to as a data structure, especially in the context of programming languages.

OpenAI had a novel structure, which the organization called a ‘‘capped profit’’ model.

fz is less about the tree (though that is important) and more about the UX.

okay so remind you what is a sheath so a sheep is something that allows me to 00:05:37 translate between physical sources or physical realms of data and physical regions so these are various 00:05:49 open sets or translation between them by taking a look at restrictions overlaps 00:06:02 and then inferring

I have always been impressed by those academics who can sit impassively through a complex lecture by some visiting luminary without finding it necessary to make a single note, even a furtive one on the back of an envelope. They’d lose face, no doubt, if they were seen copying it all down, like a first-year undergraduate.

useful in that it will catch readers up with the current state of the literature in extended cognition, looking at discussions of extended perception, belief and memory

In the United States, we have col-lectively decided that we are not going to protect all families to the same degree,and this is reflected in our social policies and resulting poverty rates for thesefamilies.

languageis a “habit structure” or a network of associative connections,

Chefs use mise en place—a philosophy and mindset embodied ina set of practical techniques—as their “external brain.”1 It gives thema way to externalize their thinking into their environment

One of those factors is globalization which has helped lift hundreds and millions out of poverty, most notably in China and India, but which, along with automation has also ended entire economies, accelerated global inequality, and left millions of others feeling betrayed and angry at existing political institutions.

increased mobility and urbanization of modern life, which further shakes up societies, including existing family structures and gender roles

chronic political dysfunction, here in the U.S. and in Europe

the near collapse of the global financial system in 2008

the rise of China

Krapp argues that, despite its ‘respectablelineage’, the card index generally ‘figures only as an anonymous,furtive factor in text generation, acknowledged – all the way into thetwentieth century – merely as a memory crutch’ (361).2 A keyreason for this is due to the fact that the ‘enlightened scholar isexpected to produce innovative thought’ (361); knowledgeproduction, and any prostheses involved in it, ‘became and remaineda private matter’ (361).

The filing cards or slipsthat Barthes inserted into his index-card system adhered to a ‘strictformat’: they had to be precisely one quarter the size of his usualsheet of writing paper. Barthes (1991: 180) records that this systemchanged when standards were readjusted as part of moves towardsEuropean unification. Within the collection there was considerable‘interior mobility’ (Hollier, 2005: 40), with cards constantlyreordered. There were also multiple layerings of text on each card,with original text frequently annotated and altered.

However, the great advantage of enumerations over sets is that they are ordered and they force the brain to list them always in the same order. An ordered list of countries contains more information than the set of countries that can be listed in any order. Paradoxically, despite containing more information, enumerations are easier to remember.

“Noteson paper, or on a computer screen [...] do not make contemporaryphysics or other kinds of intellectual endeavour easier, they make itpossible” is one of the key takeaways in a contemporary handbookof neuroscientists (Levy 2011, 290) Concluding the discussions inthis book, Levy writes: “In any case, no matter how internalprocesses are implemented, insofar as thinkers are genuinelyconcerned with what enables human beings to perform the

We need a reliable and simple external structure tothink in that compensates for the limitations of our brains

Let’s consider a fairly random example of one of these generalistaccounts, Francis Fukuyama’s The Origins of Political Order: FromPrehuman Times to the French Revolution (2011). Here isFukuyama on what he feels can be taken as received wisdom aboutearly human societies: ‘In its early stages human politicalorganization is similar to the band-level society observed in higherprimates like chimpanzees,’ which Fukuyama suggests can beregarded as ‘a default form of social organization’.

Purely functional data structures are persistent. Persistency is required for functional programming; without it, the same computation could return different results.

We could change the definition of Cons to hold references instead, but then we would have to specify lifetime parameters. By specifying lifetime parameters, we would be specifying that every element in the list will live at least as long as the entire list. The borrow checker wouldn’t let us compile let a = Cons(10, &Nil); for example, because the temporary Nil value would be dropped before a could take a reference to it.

Interaction with stable storage in the modern world isgenerally mediated by systems that fall roughly into oneof two categories: a filesystem or a database. Databasesassume as much as they can about the structure of thedata they store. The type of any given piece of datais known (e.g., an integer, an identifier, text, etc.), andthe relationships between data are well defined. Thedatabase is the all-knowing and exclusive arbiter of ac-cess to data.Unfortunately, if the user of the data wants more di-rect control over the data, a database is ill-suited. At thesame time, it is unwieldy to interact directly with stablestorage, so something light-weight in between a databaseand raw storage is needed. Filesystems have traditionallyplayed this role. They present a simple container abstrac-tion for data (a file) that is opaque to the system, and theyallow a simple organizational structure for those contain-ers (a hierarchical directory structure)

It affords an immediate step, however, to associative indexing, the basic idea of which is a provision whereby any item may be caused at will to select immediately and automatically another. This is the essential feature of the memex. The process of tying two items together is the important thing.

Selection by association, rather than indexing, may yet be mechanized. One cannot hope thus to equal the speed and flexibility with which the mind follows an associative trail, but it should be possible to beat the mind decisively in regard to the permanence and clarity of the items resurrected from storage.

The human mind does not work that way. It operates by association. With one item in its grasp, it snaps instantly to the next that is suggested by the association of thoughts, in accordance with some intricate web of trails carried by the cells of the brain. It has other characteristics, of course; trails that are not frequently followed are prone to fade, items are not fully permanent, memory is transitory. Yet the speed of action, the intricacy of trails, the detail of mental pictures, is awe-inspiring beyond all else in nature.

So who’s up for a blogchain, or a hyperconversation?

In graph theory, a tree is a connected acyclic graph; unless stated otherwise, in graph theory trees and graphs are assumed undirected. There is no one-to-one correspondence between such trees and trees as data structure.

Ainsi l’architecture a eu, à un moment de l’histoire, la capacité de rendre visibles les supposées qualités (spatiales) d’un environnement numérique en cours de co-construction par les informaticiens et les architectes, un espace redéfini comme pur milieu d’apprentissage

Peut-être, au lieu que d’espace numérique, nous devrions parler d’architectures numériques, en donnant au mot « architecture » une signification à la fois spatiale et temporelle. Le nuage est une architecture, l’infrastructure d’Internet est une architecture, et l’ensemble d’algorithmes, données, plateformes et câbles est une architecture.

Knowing an injustice is taking place may make educators feel all the more helpless,without a productive avenue of resistance.

As Brian Street has (1984) noted, literacy practices are neither neutral nor “autonomous,” and as researchers we must be attentive to worldviews and issues of power and identity that underlie them.

eople prefer to know who else is present in a shared space, and they usethis awareness to guide their work

create the effect of temporal symmetry, of the group sharing a moment, even though individual members clearly read the message at different moments.

The notion of temporal structuring views "real time" not as an inherent property of Internet­based activities, or an inevitable consequence of technol­ogy use, but as an enacted temporal structure, reflecting the decisions people have made about how they wish to structure their activities, both on or off the Internet. As an alternative to the idea of '·real time," Bennett and Wei II ( 1997) have suggested the notion of "real-enough time," proposing that people design their process and technology infrastructures to accommodate variable timing demands, which are contingent on task and context. We believe such "real-enough" temporal structures are important ar­eas of further empirical investigation, allowing us to move beyond the fixation on a singular, objective "real time" to recognize the opportunities people have to (re)shape the range of temporal structures that shape their lives.

The notion of temporal structuring we have de­veloped here suggests instead that people enact multiple, heterogeneous, and shifting temporal structures in all as­pects of their lives.

Our empirical example also highlighted the value of achieving virtual temporal symmetry for members of a geographically dispersed community. As electronic me­dia become increasingly central to organizational life, in­dividuals may use asynchronous media in various ways to shape devices of virtual symmetry that help them co­ordinate across geographical distance and across multiple temporal structures. This suggests that when studying the use of electronic media, researchers should pay attention to the conditions in which virtual temporal symmetry may be enacted to coordinate distributed activities, and with what consequences. Interesting questions for empirical research include the following. As work groups in orga­nizations become more geographically dispersed and/or more dependent on electronic media, do members enact virtual temporal symmetry for certain purposes? If so, for which types of purposes? And how? If not, how do such work groups achieve temporal coordination?

By examining a community's repertoire of temporal struc­tures, we can understand the variety of ways in which community members' actions (re)produce the different temporal structures they constitute through their ongoing practices

The notion of temporal structuring focuses attention on what people actually do temporally in their practices, and how in such ongoing and situated activity they shape and are shaped by particular temporal structures. By exam­ining when people do what they do in their practices, we can identify what temporal structures shape and are shaped (often concurrently) by members of a community; how these interact; whether they are interrelated, over­lapping, and nested, or separate and distinct; and the ex­tent to which they are compatible, complementary, or contradictory.

In all these cases, the notion of temporal structuring through ongoing practices helps us understand and bridge the temporal oppositions underlying the research litera­ture. We tum now to an empirical example to demonstrate how this perspective can offer a new understanding of the temporal conditions and consequences of organizational life.

In practice, however. an open-ended or closed temporal orientation is not a stable property of occupational groups, but an emergent property of the temporal structures being enacted at a given moment by the groups' members.

Viewed from a practice perspective, the distinction be­tween cyclic and linear time blurs because it depends on the observer's point of view and moment of observation. In particular cases, simply shifting the observer's vantage point (e.g., from the corporate suite to the factory floor) or changing the period of observation (e.g., from a week to a year) may make either the cyclic or the linear aspect of ongoing practices more salient.

An emphasis on the cyclic temporality of organizational life also underpins the work on entrain­ment, developed in the natural sciences and gaining cur­rency in organization studies. Defined as "the adjustment of the pace or cycle of one activity to match or synchro­nize with that of another" (Ancona and Chong 1996, p. 251 ), entrainment has been used to account for a variety of organizational phenomena displaying coordinated or synchronized temporal cycles (Ancona and Chong 1996, Clark 1990, Gersick 1994, McGrath 1990).

In spite of the general movement from particular to­wards universal notions of time (Castells 1996, Giddens 1990, Zerubavel 1981 ), we can see that in use, all uni versa! temporal structures must be particularized to local contexts because they are enacted through the situated practices of specific community members in specific locations and time zones.

One such op­position is that between universal (global, standardized, acontextual) and particular (local, situated, context­specific) time.

Table 1 Different Perspectives on Time in Organizations

That is, people are purposive, knowledgeable, adaptive, and inventive ac­tors who, while they are shaped by established temporal structures, can also choose (whether explicitly or implic­itly) to (re)shape those temporal structures to accomplish their situated and dynamic ends.

scholars have begun to recognize the importance of what Nowotny (1992, p. 424) has termed pluritemporalism­"the existence of a plurality of different modes of social time(s) which may exist side by side." Our structuring lens sees this not so much as the existence of multiple times, but as the ongoing constitution of multiple tem­poral structures in people"s everyday practices.

Like social structures in general (Giddens 1984 ), tem­poral structures simultaneously constrain and enable.

While adopting one side or the other of this dichotomy may offer re­searchers analytic advantages in their temporal studies of organizations, difficulties arise when these positions are treated-not as conceptual tools-but as inherent prop­erties of time. Focusing on one side or the other misses seeing how temporal structures emerge from and are em­bedded in the varied and ongoing social practices of peo­ple in different communities and historical periods, and at the same time how such temporal structures powerfully shape those practices in turn. By focusing on what or­ganizational members actually do, our practice-based per­spective on temporal structuring may offer new insights into how people construct and reconstruct the temporal conditions that shape their lives.

Thus temporal structures, like all social structures (Giddens 1984), are both the medium and the outcome of people's recurrent practices.

This in­tegration suggests that time is instantiated in organiza­tional life through a process of temporal structuring,1 where people (re)produce (and occasionally change) tem­poral structures to orient their ongoing activities.

We contribute to this discussion within organizational re­search by offering an alternative third view-that time is experienced in organizational life through a process of temporal structuring that characterizes people's everyday engagement in the world. As part of this engagement, people produce and reproduce what can be seen to be temporal structures to guide, orient, and coordinate their ongoing activities.

emporal structures here are under­stood as both shaping and being shaped by ongoing hu­man action, and thus as neither independent of human action (because shaped in action), nor fully determined by human action (because shaping that action). Such a view allows us to bridge the gap between objective and subjective understandings of time by recognizing the ac­tive role of people in shaping the temporal contours of their lives, while also acknowledging the way in which people's actions are shaped by structural conditions out­side their immediate control.

implies the virtual inseparability of semantics from syntactics, and, indeed, Saussure's followers are often quite appropriately called structuralists, as they view signs not so much in terms of their substantive "content" as in terms of the ways in which they are formally related to other signs (i.e., in terms of the structure of the symbolic system to which they belong). More specifically, they tend to focus particularly on the formal relation of opposition or contrast, because, "in any semiological system, whatever distin- guishes one sign from the oth

Yet, for all the seeming convenience of Microsoft Excel (and its ilk), we pay a hefty price — our time and sanity. “Hyperbole!” I hear you shout. “Nonsense!” I hear you cry. And, when these initial protestations fade, we are left with the ever popular: “I have a system.”

Sheldon uses this knowledge to blackmail Leonard into successfully signing a new room-mate agreement.While discussions of work become one way to show their professional roles, another way lies in showing these characters performing their professional roles in a work setting.

For example, in “The Justice League Recombination,” Bernadette misses a key event because she remains under quarantine for possible yellow fe-ver because of drinking out of contami-nated petri dishes. Amy’s discussions of her expertise and her work appear more frequently throughout the show.

In particular, these nuances appear through their discussions of their areas of expertise and their careers, their per-formances of their work, and their exter-nal recognitions for their achievements. Because Bernadette and Amy work as scientists, they both have the potential to contribute to the discussions among the friends about their own work and to share their own observations based on scientific inquiry.

The three main female characters do appear in the work situations at different times, but their locations remain primarily in the domestic ones. A hegemonic tension operates throughout situation comedies and pro-vides a flexible boundary along which these tensions humorously play out.

More specifically, female scientists were considered “good” nine out of 10 times, with the remaining scientists being considered “mixed” (Dudo et al. 762).

Children’s programming further features scientists, such as Bill Nye The Science Guy. Steinke et. al ex-amined middle-schoolers’ responses to the scientists in these and other shows using traits such as “intelligence, domi-nance, alone, and respected” (172) and found the overall response favorable.

While other female scientists do appear briefly throughout the series, Amy and Berna-dette appear most frequently and with the most developed storylines.The Big Bang Theory offers a unique moment to explore the representations of female scientists within the situa-tion comedy.

When the scientists get caught try-ing to unravel some seemingly compli-cated puzzle, Penny provides the laughs in suggesting the “obvious” solution. Starting with the third and fourth sea-sons, The Big Bang Theory introduced more regular female characters as love interests for the main characters.

Minecraft can discourage imagination in children.