- Nov 2017
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Local file Local file
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Thecharterincludesnineteenrightsandonesetofduties,whichareimportanttooutline
Nuestro trabajo estaría enmarcado en la parte de Libertad de participación en los asuntos públicos a través de Internet y también con las puestas por el pluralismo y la gobernanza.
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Themostimportantprinciplesthatevincedigitalrightsinvolvedfiverights:connectivity,access,capacity,security,governance,equity,anddiversity.[54]Thedocumentdoesnotspecifydigitalrightsassuch,butimportantlyitrecognizesthatwhatwasthencalled‘theinformationsociety’constitutesaninternationalresourceandthatthiscallsforinternationalresponsibility.Insubsequentinitiativesanddeclarations,thesefiverightshavebecomebuildingblocksofclaimingdigitalrights.
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TheUnitedNationsWorldSummitontheInformationSociety(WSIS),heldinDecember2003inGeneva,iswidelyrecognizedasa‘constitutionforcyberspace.’[52]TheimportanceofWSISisthatitdrawsitsimaginaryforcefromtheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights(1948)andinstitutesparallelsbetweenthoserightsanddigitalrights.[53]Theorganizationofthesummitandthedeclarationofitsprinciplesweretheresultsofyearsofwork.Itssixty-sevenprincipleshavemoreclausesthanmanyconstitutionsinclude.Itisanambitiousdocument,anditsfirstprincipleaffirm
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Thissensibilityisalsoakeytounderstandinghowthesedeclarationsarecumulativelybringingapoliticalsubject,asyetunnamed,intobeing.
Las declaraciones podrían a dialogar las fuerzas imaginarias, legales y performativas. Presuponen un principio en el cual el "ser es enunciado", en lugar de habitado o vivido, y habría que limitarlas en ese sentido, sin desconocer que parte de lo habitado y/o vivido, que puede ser enunciado, nos hermana en la condición humana y que otras cosas nos hermanan cuando las habitamos o vivimos juntos, así no las podamos enunciar.
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However,therelationofethicstopoliticsinsummoningapoliticalsubject—thoughithasnotbeenexpressedthisway—hasbeenanimportantelementacrossallofthesedeclarations.Sowearegoingtomentionafewalmostarbitrarily,andthenwewillbegintodifferentiatethem.WithDerrida,wewillthenseehowwecaninterprettheirimaginaryandperformativeforceinsummoningapoliticalsubjectasyetwithoutaname.
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Itisreallyimportanttoconsiderthemasspeechactsandaskwhatclaimstheybringintobeinginorbymakingdeclarationsaboutrights.ItiseasytodismissthesedeclarationsthattheInternethasoccasioned,buttheyalsobegexamination.Somedismissthemfortheirostensibleineffectiveness,butthisisunderstoodintermsofconstativeratherthanperformativeeffects.Thequestionwe’dratheraskiswhat,ifany,imaginaryandperformativeifnotlegalforcedotheyhave?
Esto me recuerda la intensión de escribir manifiestos en mu ypocas JSL, a la que yo me opuse, quizás por su percibida inefectividad con respecto a actos más performativos y enactivos. Quiźas me faltó entenderlo en esos mismos términos en lugar de como actos púramente enunciativos.
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Rancièrecallsbringingthesetwoaspectsofrightstogetherasdissensus.Itisdissensusratherthanconsensusbecausepoliticsisalwaysacontestationoverwhoiscountedandwhatcounts.ForRancière,apoliticalsubjectinvolvesthecapacityforstagingsuchscenesofdissensus.Thus,‘politicalsubjectsarenotdefinitecollectivities.Theyaresurplusnames,namesthatsetoutaquestionoradisputeaboutwhoisincludedintheircount.’
Conceiving the enactment of rights as dissensus is more powerful than understanding dissent as civil disobedience. For all its illustrative history, civil disobedience still evokes a reactionary politics, whereas dissensus is creative and affirmative. Although significant as a specific act, civil disobedience is rather too narrow to understand political acts in general. Staging dissensus brings into play the imaginary, performative, and legality of rights all at once and constitutes subjects as citizen subjects of power. Julian Assange, Edward Snowden, Anonymous, Aaron Swartz, and Open Rights are not only definite individuals or collectives of civil disobedience but stand for a political subjectivity enacting rights as the staging of dissensus. This is what we gather from their acts. When they enact rights that they do not have and the rights that they should have, they bring into being political subjects who cannot be known in advance. Their acts are contestations over who is counted as political and what counts as politics. To put it slightly differently, the performative and imaginary force of rights lies in the double movement between their inscription and enactment.
Acá estaría el derecho a scrappear como una forma de reapropiación de los bienes comunes y de repolitización de lo publico.
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Remarkably,thepublicimageofhackershasaninverserelationshiptotheiracts.
Remarkably, the public image of hackers has an inverse relationship to their acts. When hackers were more intent on ‘we do because we can’ politics, their public image was mysterious, revered, and appreciated. Yet once hackers turned into hacktivists with political subjectivity, their public image suffered, and it became tainted with criminality.
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Itisalsotemptingtointerpretthem
It is also tempting to interpret them as hacktivists. But when we interpret their digital acts through the Internet, they embody all the characteristics of citizen subjects: they enact citizenship as subjects of power with responsibility in ways that are instantly recognizable and yet cannot be bounded by their identity as military or security personnel. If the performative force of their code is louder than their words, the imaginary force of their words is not so weak, either.
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Wewanttoreadtheemergenceandtransformationsofthedigitalrightsmovementfromtheperspectiveofdigitalactsasoneofthenecessaryelementsformakingdigitalrightsclaims.Whethertheseactscumulativelyconstituteadigitalrightsmovementcomparabletoothersocialmovementswillconcernscholarsintheforeseeablefuture,andwecannotaddressthatquestionhere.Instead,wewanttogatherfromdisparateanddisperseddigitalactstherecognitionofadimlyemergingfigureasthesubjectofdigitalrights.Itistheemergenceofthisspecificpoliticalsubjectivityarounddigitalrightsandtheclaimsthroughwhichithasemerged—andtheopeningsandclosingsithasinstigated—thatformsthecentralquestionofthisbook.
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Twodecadeslater,CAE’sviewon‘electroniccivildisobedience’seemsbothprescientandnaïve
It seems prescient in face of the emergence and transformation of hacktivist groups such as Anonymous, Demand Progress, and WikiLeaks, which have developed new political subjectivities. Also, it can hardly be said that such hacking remains the domain of ‘teenagers’, let alone American teenagers.[14] CAE’s idea that a technocratic avant-garde may emerge as a political subject has also been borne out in some ways. Their idea of small cells of subjects of politics can also be said to anticipate the emergence of hacktivist groups,[15] composed of ‘activist, theorist, artist, hacker, and even a lawyer . . . knowledge and practice should mix’. Yet it seems naïve at the same time for its rigid turn away from streets and squares as sites of dissent. Time and again, contemporary events have shown us the importance of streets and squares for enacting dissent, and even simply mentioning Tahrir Square, Taksim Square, Maidan Square, Occupy Wall Street, or Puerta del Sol immediately emphasizes this point without belabouring it. Moreover, as we have argued throughout this book, to imagine cyberspace as separate and independent from an ostensible physical space is both empirically questionable and theoretically indefensible.
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CriticalArtEnsemble(CAE)
Buscar en la literatura sobre Grafoscopio si ellos son los mismos que definieron el Objeto Activista.
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Whoisthesubjectofthesedigitalrights?Sinceweareinterestedintheprocessesthroughwhichtheserightsareenactedratherthantheirsubstance,ourquestionof‘who’concernsthatofpoliticalsubjectivitythroughtheInternet.[4]Aswehaveexpresseditinvariousways,‘who’doesnotcorrespondtoanalreadyformedpoliticalsubjectbutafigure:Howisapoliticalsubjectbeingconstitutedasaclaimantofdigitalrights?Wehaveillustratedthroughoutthisbookthatdigitalactstraversemultiplenationalbordersandlegalorders.Yetmakingrightsclaimsthattraversebordersisoftenaddressedthroughsovereignregionalornationallegalordersandtheirparticularunderstandingofrights.
So the question of ‘who’ the subject is of digital rights is both an analytical but also an urgent political question that requires addressing. If we use ‘citizen’ as the subject of these rights, clearly it does not capture how both the enactment of the political subject and of cyberspace cut across national borders and legal orders. Today, the citizen functions as a member of a nation-state, and there are no corresponding rights and obligations beyond the nation-state that can govern subjects whose acts traverse international spaces. [...] What we gather from Rancière and Derrida is the importance of refusing to make a choice between the citizen and the human as the subject of digital rights. Instead, we anticipate a new figure of a citizen yet to come as the subject of digital rights.
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Threerights—expression,access,andprivacy—haveemergedasthemostoftendebateddigitalrights.Tothese,opennessandinnovationhaverecentlybeenadded.Alltogether,thesefiverightshavecometoconstitutedigitalrightsincyberspace.
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Witnessing,hacking,andcommoningarethreedigitalactsthathavebecomepossibleoverthepastfewyearsandhavecreatedopeningsforbeingdigitalcitizensinorbymakingrightsclaims.Theresignificationofexistingortheintroductionofnewconventionsmadetheseactspossible:Bitcoin,copyleft,CreativeCommons,Digg,GitHub,GNN,GNU,WikiLeaks,andmanyothers.Nodoubtsomeoftheseconventionswillbereplacedordisplacedbyothers.Somewillbecomedefunct.Somewillperhapspersistasatestamenttothedigitalcommons.Therewillcertainlybenewconventions.Whatenduresistheperformativeforcethathasgoneintomakingtheseopeningspossible.IfweunderstandcyberspaceasaspaceofrelationsbetweenandamongbodiesactingthroughtheInternet,witnessing,hacking,andcommoningresignifyorinventconventionsandmakepossibletheemergenceofnewwaysofbeingcitizensubjectsincyberspace.
[...] As we discussed earlier, just as many efforts are being expended on closings as these openings, cajoling and coercing them in various submissive ways and generally blocking possibilities. The digital commons is certainly a new frontier for struggles over commodification.[83] The main challenges to these creative forces emanate from state-security apparatuses and commerciallegal apparatuses. The main challenges to these creative forces emanate from state-security apparatuses and commerciallegal apparatuses. We have covered some of these closings, but here we want to restate the importance of open versus closed conventions of the Internet. Much has been said about Facebook, Flickr, Google, Tumblr, Twitter, and YouTube and their activities for tracking the conduct of people for advertising revenues and collecting big data. Let us emphasize that among one of the most important reasons that both state and corporate apparatuses are able to do this is because these are designed as proprietary and closed conventions. Unlike open conventions such as WordPress or Wikimedia, these conventions require submitting to end-user licences and user contracts that not only severely restrict actions but also appropriate their results as data. There is a massive difference between the digital commons created by open-source code and its increasing zoning, appropriation, sequestration, and enclosure through closed conventions. [...] Let us remember that cyberspace is a fragile if not a precarious space. This makes its protection as an open-source digital commons a political question—a question that those who are making digital rights claims are enacting with increasing effectiveness but also with urgency.
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Arguingthatthedebate(orbattle)overcopyrightinthe1990swasbeingincreasinglypolarizedinto‘allrightsreserved’versus‘norightsreserved’extremes,LessigandhiscolleaguesfoundedtheCreativeCommonsconventionin2002toenabledigitalcreatorstomaintaincertainrightsfortheirintellectuallabourwhileprovidingitsdisseminationandcirculation.[75]Whileithasitscritics(whoarguethatitreproducestheflawsofcopyrightlaws),CreativeCommonsisaningeniousconventionthatruptures(resignifiesradically)acopyrightconventionandprovidesvariousactionsbywhichacreatorisabletospecifyrightsthatshewantstoretain
[...] But the real interest in this convention, whether it is Bitcoin or any other digital currency, is what, once again, it demonstrates: that in the digital commons there is an inexhaustible ingenuity, and people are willing to contribute to its expansion and maintenance as a public domain.
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Iftherewereawaytobypassexistingfinancialinstitutionsandachieveperson-to-personpayments,itwouldbeamoreradicalinventionthantheinventionofmoney.Bitcoinnotonlyresignifiesanonymity,extensity,traceability,andvelocityofadigitalactbutalsorupturestheexistingmonopolyovertransactionsheldbyfinancialinstitutions.Theinterestingaspectofthesystemisthatitrequireskeepingalltransactionsonapublicledgersincethisistheonlywaytomaintainproofofitswork.Yetalthoughalltransactionsarepublic,thepartiesinthesetransactionsremainanonymous,representedonlybypublicencryptionkeys
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Sotheproblemthatcopyleftsolvedwashowtoprovidefreesoftwarebutmaintainitsfreedom.TheideaofcopyleftbecamethefoundationofageneralpubliclicenceknownasGPLandspurredglobalfreesoftwareandopen-sourcesoftwaremovements.
[...] It is not an exaggeration to say that the Internet, and especially the infrastructure of digital commons, is mostly run by open-source software such as WordPress, Wikimedia, Joomla, and Drupal, which are the results of the contributions of many programmers. Open-source software repositories such as GitLab, Savannah, Ourproject.org, and SourceForge, to give just a few examples, are a testimony to the resilience of the digital commons. It is no wonder, then, that it would be the subject of intense political economy analyses of its gift economy and also its ethics and aesthetics.
Este es un caso práctico de un caso de descentralización (en la producción del código) que usa la centralización (de la Ley y su cobertura) para la protección contra el enagenamiento de los bienes comunes, al asumir una posición extrema en su defensa, preservació y expansión. Ver https://hyp.is/ZiqFIMfIEeefX0smBD82BA
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Whilemuchofthefocusonthedigitalcommonshasfocusedonitasthecauseofintellectualcopyrightproblems,arguablyitistheotherwayaround:digitalcommonsaroseasachallengetothisconcentrationandusurpationofcreativeproduction.Howrapidlythisconcentrationhappenedoverthreedecadesandhowthedigitalcommonsemergedasachallengetothisoligopolisticsystemisasignificantaspectofunderstandingactsofcommoning.
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Yetthedigitalcommons—theriseofaninternationalmovementtocreate,contribute,share,anddistributedigitalobjects—isamorefundamentalchallengethanareactiontothemorerecentrestrictionsofcopyrightlaw.Thechallengeisagainsttherelentlessdrivetoconvertknowledgeintocapitaloverthepasttwocenturies
[...] As Lawrence Lessig puts it starkly, ‘[E]very act on the Internet is a copy. Every act in a digital network produces a copy.’[64] This results in the creation of something called digital commons: a commons produced by the participation of creators and commoners.[65] The very principle that creates digital commons also creates tendencies against commodification: its very production entails creators contributing resources without the direct monetization of their contributions and commoners enjoying the benefits of these resources. Thus, digital commons constitutes a major challenge to the commodification of creative or immaterial labour, and this is why the battle over intellectual property law has become decisive.
La naturaleza cooperativa de estos movimientos y la mercantilización de movimientos centralistas como el capitalimos entran en profunda confrontación. Puede un movimiento de naturaleza distribuida, tener la influencia propias de los sistemas de acumulación? Por ejemplo, los hashtags que crean tendencias a las cuales se suman los usuarios de manera distribuida, se hacen visibles gracias a plataformas centralizadas (como Twitter) que se benefician de la centralización y la usurpación del valor. Podría, por ejemplo, una nueva criptomoneda que explicite la mercantilización en la economía de la atención, como lo hace Steemit, de manera que use una técnica similar a la del capitalismo (mercantilizar conocimiento) para explicitar la usurpación de valor que está creando o permita contravernirla. El tema de cómo estas redes alternativas se viralizarían es aún una pregunta abierta.
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Copyrightderivesitslegalforcefromlawsthatprotectexclusiverightstoandcontrolofintellectualproperty.EvenifitsoriginscanbetracedtoearlymodernEurope(sixteenthtoeighteenthcenturies),itismoderninthesensethattheformationofintellectualproperty—thatis,theconversionofcreativeproductssuchaswords,data,images,andsoundintopropertyforexchange—isaresultoftheaccumulationofcapitalinmodernsocieties.
This is what Lyotard highlighted as the commodification of knowledge in what he then called computerized societies. The conversion of intellectual or, more broadly, cultural capital into economic capital is possible under the protection of copyright laws. This is the force of copyright law. Since it introduces a tension between creativity and calculability, it is doubtful that copyright law either protects or encourages creativity. Instead, creativity is commodified by copyright. The performative force of copyright is that both the creator and consumer must—knowingly and unknowingly—repeat and iterate it. The force of copyright law would be nothing if it were not performed. That is the reason why maintaining its imaginary force requires enormous energy: copyright mobilizes massive efforts to maintain its legal, performative, and imaginary force. If creativity were not commodified, copyright would not exist. Commodification transforms the use value of things into exchange value for being sold and bought.
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ThevirtueofhacktivismisthatitremindsusthatactivismontheInternetandthepoliticalcyberspacethatitcreatessharealineagewithespeciallythesocialstrugglesagainstracism,misogyny,inequality,exploitation,xenophobia,homophobia,andotherformsofoppressionandinjusticethatdefinedthetwentiethcentury.
[...] As Marianne Franklin reminds us with Donna Haraway, being able to differentiate between hacking for and without a cause is as important as ever for enacting political subjectivity.
Hackers thus contribute to upholding the subversive image of being digital citizens, but by doing so they also painstakingly make rights claims through cyberspace as a commons.
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Atanyrate,thisbringsustothesecondgroupwementionedearlier:hacktivists.Thetermisnotanelegantone,andithashadalimitedtraction,probablyforthatreason.Butitintroducesavitaldistinctionintermsofunderstandingtheeffectsofwhathackersdoinorbysayingsomethingandthusdoingsomethingwithcode.JordanandTaylorcapturedthisvitaldifferencebydesignatinghacktivistsasrebelswithacauseandyetposingthisstatementwithaquestionmarktoindicatethattheeffectsarenotstraightforwardtointerpret.
For example, they admit that although hacktivism arises from hackers, it is difficult to draw the line between the two: ‘[B]ecause hacktivism uses computer techniques borrowed from the pre-existing hacker community, it is difficult to identify definitively where hacking ends and hacktivism begins.’[55] They understand hacktivism as ‘the emergence of popular political action, of the selfactivity of groups of people, in cyberspace. It is a combination of grassroots political protest with computer hacking. Jordan and Taylor also provide a historical overview of dissent and civil disobedience as repertoires of politics, which we would call ‘acts of digital citizens’. They discuss how, for example, electronic civil disobedience by Zapatistas, the Mexican dissident group, changed the terms of policies by engaging incipient Internet technologies in the 1990s to argue that Zapatismo—the convention combined of grassroots and electronic activism—was in many ways the birthplace of hacktivism as a disruptive convention. [...] At this point in time it is difficult to know how much of a disturbance these acts of electronic civil disobedience specifically make. What we do know is that neoliberal power is extremely concerned by these acts.’
En el caso de La Gobernatón, lo que hicimos fue auditar los términos de la contratación pública usando técnicas de verificación de integridad de software, basadas en firmas de integridad criptográfica (una combinación alfanúmérica única asociada a un archivo, que se modifica bastante, si el archivo cambia en lo más mínimo, por ejemplo, agregando un espacio). Fue el hecho de aunar técnicas computacionales clásicas, como seas las que activaron la idea de la Gobernatón y luego del Data Week. Esto ocurrió localmente, al margen de las prácticas anteriores y paralelas que hacían los zapatistas, o los peiordistas de datos. Era una idea cuyo tiempo había llegado y se empezaba a originar e distintos lugares, con las variaciones propias de cada contexto).
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Whataretheeffectsofdigitalactsofhacking?Whatconventionsdotheseactsbreak?Whatconventionsdotheseactsresignify?Theyareasbroadastherearetypesofhackers
[...] We want to consider these combined and diffuse effects of acts of hacking in terms of actions against closings such as filtering, tracking, and normalizing. These actions that feed the imaginary force of acts of hacking perhaps explain the joy of the deep hack mode that Coleman documents. Yet a generalized conclusion cannot be reached since hackers can create dangerous effects that also participate in closings of the Internet.
Valdría la pena mantener la definición de Hacker como diversa y abierta, (Coleman), pero también como cotidiana (Schrock), pero con algún acto distintivo que la haga valiosa (no todo es "hackear"). La ruptura y resignificación de la convención a través de la técnica sería el acto determinante de Hackear. Dicho entrenamiento en la técnica ocurre de manera cotidiana, apreciando y apropiando otras técnicas (licenciamiento, programación, instalación de software, trabajo con arduino, activismo político, etc). Es la diversidad de dicha técnica y la posibilidad de romper o rehacer la condición la que le da el caracter diverso al acto del hacking a la vez que lo mantiene abierto y sin embargo no lo hace corresponder a cualquier cosa.
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Levydrewamorenuancedandpanoramicviewofhackersyetstillpracticallyreproducedtheclandestineimage.Critiquingthisimage,TimJordanandPaulTaylorarguethatvariousclassesofhackersemergedovertimeandneedtobedistinguished.
Coleman (Coding Freedom) dice lo mismo.
[...] By the 1990s, hackers were already functioning in at least four ways: original hackers (dissident and libertarian), microserfs (subservient and submissive), a growing group of open-source software developers (critical and resilient), and politically motivated hacktivists (political and subversive).[44] These two last groups—open-source developers and hacktivists—constitute the most significant groups for understanding the emergence of citizen subjects in cyberspace.
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whatdifferentiateshackersfromprogrammersisthatinorbysayingsomethingthroughcode,hackerschallenge,ifnotsubvert,conventionsinwhichtheyfindthemselves.Hackersarethosewhoseactssubvertconventionsgoverningthemselvesanddigitalcitizens.Colemanrecognizesthat‘manyhackersarecitizensofliberaldemocracies,andhavedrawnonthetypesofaccessibleliberaltropes—notablyfreespeech—asameanstoconceptualizetheirtechnicalpracticeandsecurenovelpoliticalclaims.’ButgiventheextensityoftheInternet,whilethisstatementmayhavebeentrueinthepast,itwouldbehardtosubstantiatetodaythathackersareonlycitizensofliberaldemocracies,meaningtheyarelegalholdersofcitizenshipstatusinliberaldemocraticstates.
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OneaspectofhackerculturethatColemanhighlightsistheslogan‘codeisspeech’.[46]CodeisindeedthelanguageoftheInternet.Butisitspeech?FollowingAustin,wearguethatthroughspeechactswedosomethinginorbysayingsomething.Similarly,wewouldarguethatprogrammersaredoingsomethinginorbycodingsomething.Yet,toarticulatethismoreprecisely,codeisnotspeech:itisalanguageinorbywhichspeechactsareperformed.Justasinhumanlanguages,thedecisivethingsherearenotonlythelinguisticconventionsthatanimatespeechactsbutalsothesocialconventionsthattheybringabout
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Colemanarguesthatbymostlycircumventingcopyrightlawswiththeircommitmenttothefreecirculationofintellectualproperty,hackerscontradicttheexistingliberalconceptionofintellectualpropertyastherighttoexcludeandcontrol.Yetbyadvancingvaluesofcivillibertiesandpromotingindividualautonomyand,aboveall,acommitmenttofreespeech,hackersarethemostardentpromotersofliberalvalues.Thus,forColeman,hackersoccupybothacentralandmarginal—wemightsayaparadoxical—placewithintheliberaltradition.
[...] Coleman says that hackers ‘tend to value a set of liberal principles: freedom, privacy, and access.’ It is difficult for us to see freedom, privacy, and access as either values or principles, though they express certain values. From our point of view, things such as freedom, privacy, and access are rights, and, like all rights, they are born of social and political struggles, and these struggles both predate and are wider than what liberalism implies. Thus, we wonder whether it is possible to understand hacking cultures in ethical and aesthetic terms without also considering their broader politics. The joy (deep hack mode) that hackers experience in creating a collaborative culture by sharing their skills and talents is wonderful, but understanding the ways in which this joy can be assimilated into obedient, submissive, or subversive ways of being hackers requires a broader perspective.
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Would be interesting if Hypotesis and Zotero could be integrating by making the first support the annotations in the second (which means also working offline). Some times you annotate something and find a link to another annotation from another author in other document. This kind of cross-linking is difficult now in Hypothesis.
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Thestoriesthathavebeentoldabouthackersmakeitdifficulttoresignifythissubjectofpowerafresh.Sincethe1980s,theimageofhackershasdominatedfictionalandsemifictionalworldsofwritingandfilmmaking.Ourfocushere,though,istogetagripontheopeningsthat‘actsofhacking’havecreated.
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Forus,probablythemostpertinentdistinctionisbetweenprogrammersandhackers.Inorbysayingsomethingincodeperformsbothillocutionaryandperlocutionaryacts.
The difference between programmers and hackers is, however, the effects of their acts, which have dramatically changed over time. Programmers are those— either employed by software companies or working independently—who make a living by writing code, which includes anything between snippets (short code) and apps. Hackers may also program code in this fashion, but the culture that gives them the name emanates from a distinct set of ethical and aesthetic values that combine to create a different kind of politics than programming does. This difference is hard to express, but it is also the difference that is of interest to us. It is hard to express perhaps because so much has been said and written about hackers—mostly negative. As a consequence, a unified, typically clandestine, selfish, young, male, and outlaw image has become dominant, which more recent studies have shown is grotesquely simplified. We want to argue that hackers are those whose acts break conventions of programming.
Tags
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Annotators
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- Oct 2017
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Local file Local file
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Asweaffirminchapter2,wethinkthatthecitizensubjectisnottheexclusivepropertyofthenation-state.Onthecontrary,thenation-statemayhavebecomealiabilityforupholdingthesubjectofpowerwehaveinherited.AsAllanwrites,manyoftheissuesthatcitizenjournalismraisesare‘setagainstthebackdropofincidentsaroundtheglobewherethenation-state’sideologicalappropriationofcitizenship—fromoutrightattacksonitslegitimacytothesteadyerosionofitsprotections,typically(andironically)inthenameofnationalsecurity—hasmadejournalismasastruggleover“therighttobearwitness”.’[39]Citizenwitnessingisanongoingandcrucialaspectofdemocraticcitizenship.TheInternet,bycreatingopeningsfordigitalcitizens,hasmadecitizenwitnessinganindispensablepartofapoliticalimaginary.Thisisnotwithoutitsdangersandperils(co-optation,assimilation,infiltration,taming,blocking,filtering,andsoon),butthat’swhatalsomakesitasiteofpoliticalstruggles.
El Estado Nación no tiene un monopolio sobre la noción de ciudadano (sujeto de derechos y deberes) y por el cotrario, puede estar impidiendo dicha noción. Incluso, si otros no se ven como sujetos o desde la perspectiva de los derechos, esto puede marcar un diálogo sobre los puntos en común que se tienen con ellos, por el simple hecho de que otros hemos heredado dicha noción.
Recuerdo un capítlo de Mr Robot en el que, Darlene, la hermana de Eliot, alegaba ser un sujeto de derechos y sus interlocutores del FBI le decían que no lo era bajo una nueva ley (Patriot Act?).
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TheethicaldimensionbecomesevenclearerwhenAssangesays,‘Thosewhoarerepeatedlypassiveinthefaceofinjusticesoonfindtheircharactercorrodedintoservility.’[33]Toputitinourwords,citizensubjects,preciselybecauseoftheircapacitytojudge,arenotmerelyobedient(orservile)butalsosubversive.Thisisbecausesubmissiontoconventionsrequiresusingjudgementonthetermsofsubmission.Althoughthecitizensubjectsubmitstoconventions,becauseofthiscapacity,thecallofsubversiontoruptureaconventionalwaysretainsitsforce.Assangeclearlyappealsheretoanaspectofjournalisticethics—bearingwitness—butheresignifiesitpoliticallybyidentifyingitasacalltoact.ThedebateoverwhetherWikiLeaksisaplatformforjournalismorwhistle-blowingoverlooksthatitprimarilyenableswitnessing—thattheworldmayknow(differently).Itisoftenarguedthatsuchwhistle-blowingexposesclassifiedsecretsandendangerstheintelligenceworkofthestate.Butwhatwhistle-blowingexposesisthattherearethosewhofinditintolerabletowitnessabusesandmisusesofauthorityandnotsharethem.Ifbankersdeceive,soldiersmassacre,agenciessnoop,anddiplomatslie,citizenshavetherighttoknowthat.Citizenshavearighttoknowwhatstateandcorporateauthoritiesaredoingin,andoftenwith,theirname.WikiLeaksandwhistle-blowingingeneralareessentiallyclaimingthisrighttoknow.
[...] Their primary orientation is not towards the ethics of a profession but the right to witness and share acts of injustice
Vincular lo ético a lo político a través de la plataforma. Queda la pregunta aún de si hay alguna agenda oculta en el proceso curatorial de Wikileaks. Aplica el derecho a saber también a ellos en la medida en que son agentes de extremo poder?
Un ejemplo de atestiguar y compartir frente a la injusticia reciente: https://twitter.com/angelamrobledo/status/923306719891066885
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Ifthat’sthecase,wequestionwhetherthereshouldbeadifferentlabelforcuratorsandaggregatorsfortworeasons.Aswehaveargued,digitalactsinvolvedoingsomethingthroughvariousactionsnotconfinedtolanguagebutincludingimagesandsoundsaswellasthecoding,linking,andclassifyingofcontent.Second,theseactionsresignifyquestionsofanonymity,extensity,traceability,andvelocity.Theyenablethedisseminationofnewswithanonymityatalmostinstantaneousspeedthroughnumerousnetworks,andtheyleavetracesalongtheway.Asweshallnowargue,thisisindeedadistinctlycyberspaceenactmentofcitizenwitnessing
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AsGoodeillustrateswhenhecallsthisactivitymetajournalism,manyactionsontheInternetinvolvesubjectstagging,aggregating,redirecting,liking,ranking,rating,andrepostingnewsitemsproducedbycitizenjournalists.[28]Theseactionsbywhichpeoplesubmittoconventionsarehowthesubject,thecitizenjournalist,isenacted.
[...] Again, that such subversion takes place is no guarantee that the platforms are either progressive or counterhegemonic, but it is to mark that citizen metajournalism is perhaps just as significant as citizen journalism.
¿Qué pasaría si Brea + Graffoscopio fuera una plataforma que permitiera la deconstrucción de las prácticas de activismo de datos? En alguna medida ambos ya están planeados así, pero habría que hacer más explícitos dichos temas. Por ejemplo, involucrando algoritmos para alimentar, compartir y calificar data widgets y haciendo explícito cómo dichos algoritmos de clasificación funcionan (similar a Reddit, Quora, StackOverflow o Menéame).
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differentplatformsproducedifferentsociotechnicalarrangements—rules,norms,procedures,protocols,code,andalgorithms—inordertocreateaneffectivepresentationfortheirusers.Thesearrangements,orwhatwecallconventions,accomplishnotonlyasenseoffairnessbutalsostronghierarchiesthroughwhichnewsisproduced.[19]Thereisnoreasontobelievethattheseplatformsfeatureflathierarchiesorsmoothspacesofdialogue;rather,theyarehierarchicalandstriated.Theissuesofstatusandgatekeepingareasprominentintheseplatformsastheyareelsewhere.
Thus, there is also no reason to think that citizen journalism—at least as it is practiced in these platforms—is intrinsically counterhegemonic. Rather, we would investigate the rationalities of these conventions, the way they are taken up by subjects in obedient, submissive, and subversive ways, and the effects they produce.
Para el caso de nuestras infraestructuras de bolsillo, que alientan prácticas de apropiación (vía la el código) y bifurcación (vía los repositorios de código fuente), dichas racionalidades distintas materializan en infraestructuras y herramientas diferentes.
¿Cómo podemos hacer que ciertas plataformas, las prácticas y los ethos de las mismas sean más visibles y ampliamente utilizadas? Para el caso de Grafoscopio, esto podría tener que ver con facilitar el proceso de instalación (lo cual llevaría a temas como vigilar que el crecimiento de la comunidad tenga estrategias para satisfacer sus demandas). Esos lugares alternativos deberían entrar en diálogo con los más hegemónicos, y en ese sentido la viralidad puede ser una estrategia, como en el caso de los Data Selfies.
En ese diálogo entre lo alternativo y lo hegemónico, cómo en particular interpelar lugares de investigación como la academia y los periodísticos?
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‘citizenjournalismunderstandspeopleashavingpoliticalroles,interestsandrelationships,andasactivelyinterestedinsharingnewstheydeemrelevant.Itunderstands,orperhapsintuits,thataknee-jerkdefinitionofallformsofjournalismasacquiringanddistributinginformationmissesthepoint.’
La ventaja de términos neutralizantes como "datos" es que permiten convocar públicos distintos, sin pensar en su condición de profesional o amateur, o la disciplina particular desde la que se vinculan a los datos. Esta por ejemplo, es una ventaja que se aprecia en eventos locales, como "Datos y Guaros", si bien también hay que atravesar las diferencias entre las formas de actuar y comprender de cada uno de los lugares desde donde se proviene.
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BoletteBlaagaard,forexample,arguesthatthecontributionofcitizenjournalismhasbeentochallengetheostensibleobjectivityofprofessionaljournalism.[4]Shearguesthatincreatingajournalisticobjectivity,professionaljournalismportrayedaknowingsubjectthatisdetached,unemotional,neutral,unbiased,andindependent.Bycontrast,citizenjournalism’scontributionhasbeentodemonstratethatpassionate,attached,affective,andbiasedyetfairreportingcanresultfromjournalisticsubjectivity
[...] ‘[O]nce we acknowledge the social construction of news, why should we then reject alternative journalism simply because it is not subject to the same normative and epistemological limits of mainstream journalism?’
Esta también es la postura de la tesis. El rigor no tiene que ver con la "neutralidad", sino con la trazabilidad y transparencia, a pesar de que supone una postura apasionada y políticamente comprometida del investigador.
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Fromourperspective,participationisasubmissive(thoughnotobedient)actinorbywhichacitizensubjectperformsaclaim.Thereoughttobesomethingbroaderthanconnectingittojournalismalonetocharacterizeactsbywhichcitizensproduceknowledgeaboutevents.Moreover,theassociationoftheterm‘citizen’withthisrathersubmissiveparticipationoverlookstheradicalpotentialofthefigureofthecitizensubjectasanagentofsubmissionandsubversionandthussubjectofpower
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thismomentsignalledthattheInternetwaslooseningthegripofprofessionaljournalismontheproductionanddisseminationofnewsandtruthtelling.Sincethen,muchhasbeenwrittenonwhetherthisisindeedthecaseorwhetherprofessionaljournalismhasnowconsolidateditsgrip.Butthereisnodoubtthathoweveritisdefined—alternativejournalism,citizen’smedia,citizenjournalism,democraticmedia,andradicalmedia—somethingnewisafootinjournalistictruthtellingandknowledgeproductionthroughcyberspace.
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Tobesure,eachofthesecitizensubjectsexistedbeforecyberspace.Thetraditionsofcommunitynewspapersentirelyrunbycitizenjournalists,protestsanddemonstrationsorganizedbycitizenactivists,andthecooperativemovementsofcitizenproducersareprominentexamples.However,eachofthesehasbeenresignifiedthroughcyberspace.TheriseandimpactofWikiLeaksandwhistle-blowingasformsofcitizenjournalismhavedramaticallyalteredthepoliticsofknowledgeandtherighttoknow.TheemergenceofhackerculturesandmovementssuchasAnonymoushasdramaticallytransformedthemeaningandfunctionofprotest.TheemergenceofWikipediahasspectacularlyupstagedthesubjectsandagentsofknowledgeproductionanddissemination.
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‘takethecurrenttechnologicallandscapeasgiven.’[75]Instead,shecallsformechanismsthatpreserve‘roomfortheactsoftacticalevasionandsituatedcreativity’thatallowcitizensubjectsto‘tinker,repurpose,andadapt’andpush‘againstthosestructures,sometimesconformingtothemandsometimesfindingwaystoworkaroundthem.’[76]CitingJonathanZittrain,Cohennoteshisprincipleofthe‘generativity’oftechnologies,whichreferstothecapacityofatechnologytoallowitsuserstotinker,revise,andmakenewthingsthatwereneveranticipatedbytheirdesigners
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Whiletherecertainlyarebigdifferencesintherelationsofpowerbetweencitizensubjectsandplatformowners,actionscananddoexceedtheaffordancesoftheirconventions.Itisinrelationtothenormalizingtendenciesofcyberspace—fromthosethatformattheactionsthatmakeupparticipating,connecting,andsharingtothoseoffilteringandtracking—thattensionsariseandcitizensubjectsengageintheplayofobedience,submission,andsubversion.
Las infraestructuras de bolsillo y comunitarias serían una forma de lidiar con los desbalances de poder de las plataformas digitales. Está sin embargo el tema de la sostenibilidad cuando no se comercializa la intimidad de los usuarios. Esto debería estar asociado a economías cooperativas y de bienes comunes. El bootstrapping de dicho modelo está aún por verse, pero podría ocurrir a partir de consultorías individuales que alienten y financien dichas plataformas.
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whileeachoftheseconventionsembodiessimilaractions,fromreportingfunctionstoconsentingtocookies,thekindsofcitizensubjectstheycultivatearenothomogeneousanduniversalbutfragmented,multiple,andagonistic
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inHabboHotelcontrolismodulatedwherenewactionsareconstantlybeingincorporated,aninventivepowerthatisworkingbyinclusion,asFoucaultillustrated,and‘whoseeffectwillbegreaterthanthesumofitscomponentparts’,asDeleuzeargued.
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Thatis,notwithstandingwhatwehavestatedaboveinregardtonormalization,itiswrongtoconfinetheconsequencesofplatformstotheactionsoftheirdesignersandtechnologies;instead,theirperformativeforcespringsfromtheactionsofcitizensubjects.
Qué pasa si una plataforma hace explícito su caracter modificable y bifurcable? En el caso de Pharo y otros metasistemas, dicha explicitación requiere la apropiación de nuevos dominios simbólicos (OOP) y está mediada por la posibilidad de convencer a una comunidad de usuarios de emplear las modificaciones creadas, por ejemplo Grafoscopio. Es decir acá juegan también las convenciones sociales y su ruptura, además de las plataformas mismas.
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Ratherthanaself-regulatingcommunityaspromotedbytheowners,theresearchersconcludethatthesiteadvancesanimaginaryofthe‘modelcitizen’builtonexpectationsthatsubjectsinternalizerulesbyengaginginself-surveillanceandself-policing,andwhentheseself-regulatorymechanismsfail,subjectsaredisciplinedbymoderators(e.g.,sanctioned,expelled,orbanned)
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‘themorepredictableresultwouldbeagradualdesertificationoftheculturallifeofindividualsnolongerabletoencounterwhatisunusual,unexpected,andsurprising.’[61]Ratherthanindividualizedbubbles,sharingsegregatessocialnetworkusersintoculturalbubblesofpreferences,products,andknowledge
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Whileitmaysoundcontradictory,evenpersonalizationisanormalizingaction.Thepersonalizedprofilesor‘filterbubbles’generatedbyplatformssuchasGoogleandFacebookoperateonstandardizedalgorithms;whilethepredictionsabout‘whoyouareandwhatyou’lldoandwantnext’maybeuniquefordifferentsubjects,theyareuniqueonlyinlinewiththerulesofthealgorithm.
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consentdoesnotmeancitizensubjectscontroltheirindividualdigitaltracesorcaneverfullybeawareofwhattheirconsentunleashes.Unknownarethedispersedsiteswheretheirtracesmaytravelorbeaggregatedandthepurposesforwhichtheymaybeanalysed.Thecirculationofdigitaltracesisextensive,andratherthanregulating,consentinvolvestheregularizing,authorizing,andnormalizingofthetrackingandcirculationofthedigitaltracesofcitizensubjects
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Weusecookiestoprovideyouwithabetterservice.Carryonbrowsingifyou’rehappywiththis,orfindouthowtomanagecookies.’
¿Podría haber un formato para determinar los permisos y datos que requiere una cookie, similar a como lo hacen las aplicaciones móviles que indican qué permisos requieren del usuario antes de instalarse? ¿Cómo puede ser esto extendido a aplicaciones de escritorio?
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However,evenwhenconsensuallyinstalled,usersrarelyunderstandhowspywareworksandoftenforgetaboutitspresence.[50]Cookiesarethemostpervasiveform.Theyarebitsofdatastoredondevicesandsenttobrowsersbywebsitesthatarevisitedorthroughtechniqueslike‘devicefingerprinting’,whichenableswatchingsubjectswhodeleteordonotstorecookies.[51]Theyareusednotonlyformonitoringdigitalactionsbutalsofortrackingpreferredlanguage,login,andotherpersonalsettingssuchassearchpreferencesandfortargetingadvertisingandtrackingnumbersofvisitstosites.[52]Digitaltracespickedupbycookieshavealsobeenrepurposedbysecurityagencies,suchastheNSA’sutilizationofGoogle’sadvertisingcookiestotracktargets.
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afocusontheanticipatoryandthefuturesuchthatmoreemphasisisgiventopredicting,intervening,andmanagingconsequencesratherthanunderstandingcauses;andthemoreeasyandsuccessfuladoptionandadaptionofdatatodifferentfieldswithlittlerisk
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Thatis,ratherthanasimplequestionofchoiceorexchangeeconomy,citizensubjectsarecaughtbetweenthedemandstoparticipateandconnect—andallthereasonsandvaluestheyattachtothis—andtheinterests,imperatives,andtrade-offsconfiguredbyplatformowners.Butitwouldbewrongtoreducethistomerelytheinterestofplatformowners,whichareonlyoneelementinthemake-upofconventionssuchasbrowsing.Theconventionsofsocialnetworkinginevitablyembodythesocialandculturalnorms,rules,andcustomsofwhichcitizensubjectsareapartandtakepart
En mi caso, mi renuencia a participar de Mastodon tiene que ver con que no conozco mucha gente que esté allí y que no está conectada con la red de microblogging de la que ya participo (Twitter). Otra gente ve la misma dificultad en otras redes y tecnologías, como Telegram o el mismo Grafoscopio. En la medida en que una tecnología no le aporta valor al cotidiano, es difícil probarla, apropiarla y reapropiarla. Esto quiere decir que para aquellos a quienes nos aporta valor, es necesario construir y explicitar esos valores diferenciales para otros y alentar una comunidad dinámica (así sea pequeña) alrededor de dichas tecnologías emergentes.
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Thesedigitaltracesareoftenreferredtoasbigdataandarepopularlydiscussedasaresource,arawmaterialwithqualitiestobeminedandcapitalized,thenewoiltobetappedtospureconomies.Throughavarietyofpracticesofvaluation,corporationsnotonlyexploitthedigitaltracesoftheircustomerstomaximizetheiroperationsbutalsosellthosetracestoothers.Forthatreason,citizensubjectswhouseplatformssuchasGooglearesometimesreferredtonotasitscustomersbutasitsproduct.
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atrendthatshecallsa‘modernexampleofatragedyofthecommons.’[33]Justasintheclassicversion,subjectswhoprotecttheirdatacontinuetoreapthecollectivebenefits(suchasinmedicine)ofdataleftinthecommons,yetthosebenefitsarethreatenedandwilldegenerateasdatasubjectsoptout.Othersstrikeadifferentwarning,arguingthattheanonymizationofidentityleadstocrowdbehaviourandsubjectstakinglessresponsibilityforwhattheysayanddoandincreasesthelikelihoodoftheirmisbehaving.[34]Boththeargumentsforandagainstanonymizationasasolutionpresumethatwhatisatissueisprotectingthe‘datadoubles’ofcitizensubjects.
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Numerousformsofanonymizationalsoexist,suchasthosethatinvolveexpostfactoremovalofmetadata,whichgovernmentsorbusinessesdowhensharingdatawiththirdparties.Thisisdistinctfromanonymity,whichinvolvesactionsthatavoididentificationbyusingpseudonymsorencryptionsuchasPGP(PrettyGoodPrivacy).Theseactionsperformtherighttoactwithoutbeingidentified.
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Onlywhentrackinginvolvesdatafying(theprocessofrenderinganaction,attribute,orathingintoaquantifiedanddigitalform)canitbedigitallyanalysed.
En qué se diferencia la cuantificación de la "datificación"? Los datos pueden no ser cuantitativos. Por ejemplo "estado: triste" es una forma de dato no cuantitativo, que se podría convertir luego en cantidad a través de asociar una métrica.
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digitaltracesalsogetcirculatedandrepurposedandinthisregardhavesociallivesbeyondthefeedbackloopsoftheirplatforms.[28]Thus,notonlyistrackingincipienttothefunctioningofspecificconventions,butthedatageneratedhasextensitysuchthatitcantravelbeyondandbetweenconventions.
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Bynotonlyciting,repeating,anditeratingbutalsoresignifying,citizensubjectscan,andasweshallseeinchapter6indeeddo,breakconventionsandtakeresponsibility.Criticssuchasthosecitedaboveoftenslipintodeterministandstructuralistaccountsoftheworkingsofplatformsbyinferringthatusersaredeceivedandunwittinglysubmittotheresultsofsearchqueries,newsfeeds,ortrendsandthattheseareforces‘shaping’themandsocieties.
Es decir que la pregunta de investigación de la tesis está en diálogo con la formas de ser ciudadano en la medida en que no se asume un determinismo tecnológico, sino se presume, de entrada, que podemos cambiar las tecnologías que nos cambian y por tanto somos agentes de dicho cambio.
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TarletonGillespiearguesthattensionsbetweenusersandthedesignersoftheTwitteralgorithmarepartoflargerstakesinthe‘politicsofrepresentation.’Itisatensionunderscoredbyaconflictbetweenpeople’swilltoknowandbevisibletoothersandTwitter’simperativetodrawnewusersintonewconversations.Butsignificantly,Gillespienotesthatsuchalgorithmsnotonlyarebasedonassumptionsabouttheimageofapublictheyseektorepresentbutalsohelpconstructpublicsinthatimage.Thesamecouldbesaidofotherplatforms
En el caso de los Data Selfies, lo que queremos hacer es presentar otra idea sobre nosotros mismos, nuestros gobernantes e instituciones públicas (principalmente). Particularmente por la sensación de no ser representados apropiadamente por la línea de tiempo de Twitter.
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Inthisinstance,criticsprotestedthatTwitterwasinvolvedincensoringpoliticalcontent,butothershaveshownthatthecomplexalgorithmsoftheplatformorganizeandfiltercontentinwaysoftenbeyondtheintentionsoftheirdesigners.Ratherthanasimplemeasureofpopularity,thealgorithmisbasedonacombinationoffactors,andthosethatTwitterhasrevealedincludeidentifyingtopicsthatareenjoyingasurgeinaparticularway,suchaswhethertheuseofatermisspiking(acceleratingrapidlyratherthangradually),whetherusersofatermformatightsingleclusterorcutacrossmultipleclusters,whethertweetsareuniqueormostlyretweetsofthesamepost,andwhetherthetermhaspreviouslytrended
Se podría invitar a una figura (política por ej) de relativo renombre a que maneje su presencia en línea desde un lugar como los de Indie Web (Mastodon, Known, etc) y mirar qué ocurre con sus redes de seguidores. ¿Alguno migra a una nueva red para tener interacciones ampliadas con dichas figuras?
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filterbubblessortandnarrowtheknowledgecitizensubjectsaccessandseparatethemintoindividualizeduniverseswheretherulesoftheirformationareinvisible.
Deconstruir la burbuja: Scrappear los resultados mostrados por el navegador y mirar dónde ellos nos conectan o aislan de otras personas que han buscado lo mismo. Para ello se podría usar el plugin que conecta a Pharo con Chrome.
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SomescholarshavechallengedthesortingeffectsoftheGooglesearchenginetohighlightthatitsoperation(1)isbasedondecisionsinscribedintoalgorithmsthatfavouranddiscriminatecontent,(2)issubjecttopersonalization,localization,andselection,and(3)threatensprivacy
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platformssuchasGoogleandFacebookthatoperatelike‘predictionengines’by‘constantlycreatingandrefiningatheoryofwhoyouareandwhatyou’lldoandwantnext’basedonwhatyouhavedoneandwantedbefore
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Whileblockingisoftengivenmoreattention,ofgreaterconcernishowsortingorganizesaccesstoknowledgeinmoreperniciousways.‘Googling’hasbecomearegularizedactionforfindingknowledgeinwaysthatareoftentakenforgrantedornotproblematizedbutsopervasiveanddominantthatthesearchenginehasgivenrisetotheterm‘googlization.’ThetermiscoinedtosuggestthatGoogleaffectseverything
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Cohenreferstoblockingas‘architecturesofcontrol’and‘regimesofauthorization’thatareauthoritarianinthegenericsensethattheyfavourcompliantobediencetoauthority.[11]Ratherthanexperiencingrules—whichneednotbeexplainedordisclosed—shearguesthatusersexperiencetheireffects,whichconsistofpossibilitiesforactionthatnetworkscreate.Sowhileconcernsaboutthesurveillanceandcollectionofdigitaltracesaremostcontroversial(discussedbelow),thetransparencyofnetworkprocessesandhowaccesstoknowledgeisbeingfilteredarelessvisibleandcontrollable.Filteringalsooccursthroughtheauthorizationsattachedtocontentanddevices
[...] So while sharing is a calling, it is increasingly only within certain regimes of authorization that sharing operates, and in this regard it can be understood as a form of submission.
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Tanto Leo como Grafoscopio tienen limitaciones (y propósitos distintos). Sin embargo, en el caso de Grafoscopio, siento que puedo englobar y superar dichas limitaciones más fácilmente, no tanto porque lo hice desde el comienzo, sino por el entorno de live coding que me permite explorar y modificar el entorno en caliente.
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Questionsremain.Whywasthereafilterinthefirstplace?Whowasbeingprotected?Byhavingunblockedtheresultofourquery,shouldwehavefeltreliefthatouractivitywasnotcriminal?HowwouldwehavereactedhadtheBritishLibrarycontinuedtoblockaccesstoBanksy’swebsite?
¿Cuáles son las fronteras del ciberespacio invisibles para nosotros? Hay burbujas que se aplican sin que lo sepamos, independientemente de si usamos o no un motor de búsqueda que construya dichas limitaciones, como Google, que lo hace ampliamente o DuckDuckGo, que lo restringe a la ubicación geográfica?. ¿Puede ese filtro se deconstruido desde lo que nos muestra el cliente web?
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decisionsonretaining,filtering,monitoring,andsharinginformationaredispersedandhavepoliticaleffectsforcitizensacrossjurisdictions.Ratherthanbeinghierarchicallyorganized,discretesystems,technologiesandpracticesaredecentredanddispersedacrossnumerouscentresofcalculation.
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AseriesofglobalstudiesbytheOpenNetInitiative(ONI)hasdocumentedhowstates—especiallyintheGlobalNorth—arecreatingbordersincyberspacebybuildingfirewallsatkey‘Internetchokepoints,
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Threeactsexpressmoststronglytheplayofobedience,submission,andsubversionthatcitizensubjectsengageintheconstitutionofclosings:filtering,wherecitizensubjectssubmittoregulateandprotectthemselvesoragreetobeprotectedbyauthorities,trackingwherecitizensubjectsenterintogamesofevasion,andnormalizingwherethewaysofbeingcitizensubjectsincyberspaceareiterativelymodulatedtowardsdesiredendsbyprivateandpublicauthorities.
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EvgenyMorozov,forexample,arguesthatopennessisconfiguredbypoliticalchoicesandinrelationtospecific‘digitaltechnologies’andthatthosechoicesshouldbebothresistedandpoliticallydebated.Butlikethemisfiresofcriticswenotedattheendofchapter4,controlisgivenovertohowdigitaltechnologiesareconfiguredwithoutaccountingforhowpeopleactthroughtheInternet,theconventionstheyrepeat,iterate,cite,orresignify,andtheperformativeforceoftheirengagements
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Soifopennessisanimaginarythatcallsuponcitizensubjectstoparticipate,thenclosingsseektofurtherconfiguretheactionsthroughwhichparticipationisdone.Butthisisneversettled.Thetworemainintension.
En la medida en que leo y tengo que combinar distintas tecnologías para hacerlo (Docear, Linux, Hypothesis), principalmente porque ellas no se integran bien entre sí, pienso en cómo Grafoscopio soportaría estas formas de lectura integrada. Quizás asumiendo el papel de Docear, implementando funcionalidades de mapas mentales, extendíendose hacia los mapas argumentativos y comunicándose con Hypothesis para leer la tabla de contenido, hacer lecturas anotadas y visualizaciones de datos de lo leído.
Avanzar en esta línea me distraería de la escritura de la tesis misma, por lo que estas características serían implementadas y exploradas de manera orgánica, desde las que más fácilmente se integran al cotidiano (ejp: visualizar datos de lecturas), hacia las más demandantes/esotéricas (reemplazar Docear).
La pregunta por cómo cambiamos los artefactos digitales que nos cambian ha permeado el cotidiano no sólo desde sus posibilidades teóricas, sino desde sus implementaciones prácticas, ahora que cuento con un artefacto prototipo para dichos cambios.
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Thatthesedemandshaveemergedinthespanofonlyafewyearsatteststowhatwecallthe‘closings’ofcyberspace.ThesedemandsandtheirclosingsareeffectsofthewayinwhichactingthroughtheInternethasresignifiedquestionsofvelocity,extensity,anonymity,andtraceability.Velocitycallsforregularandongoingvigilanceaboutrapidlychangingtechnologies,protocols,practices,platforms,andrulesaboutbeingdigital;extensitycallsforawarenessofwhereandtowhomdigitalactionsreach;anonymitycallsforlimitingandprotectingexposureandbeingcautiousaboutthepresumedidentitiesofothers;andtraceabilitycallsformanaginghowactionsaretracked,analysed,manipulated,andsortedbyunknownothersandforunknowablepurposes.Allofthesedemandsspringnotfromparticipating,connecting,andsharingalonebuttherelationsbetweenandamongbodiesactingthroughtheInternet,whichismadeupofconventionsconfiguredbytheactionsofdispersedanddistributedauthorities.Itistotheseconfiguringactions,whichwecalltheclosingsofcyberspace,thatweturntointhenextchapter,withafocusonfiltering,tracking,andnormalizing.
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subjectsofpowerincyberspacehavecomeintobeingthroughtheaccumulationofrepetitiveactions,throughtheirtakingupandembeddingofconventionsintheireverydaylivesinhomes,workplaces,andpublicspaces.Itisthroughtheactsofparticipating,connecting,andsharingthatthesehavebecomedemandsandlearnedrepertoiresthatarenotseparatefrombutindeliblyshapedbyandshapingofsubjects.
Hackers are ordinary
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JonathanFranzenaccusesAmazonofturningliterarycultureintoshallowformsofsocialengagementconsistingof‘yakkersandtweetersandbraggers’andTwitterasthe‘ultimateirresponsiblemedium.’[89]Thesemisfiresproduceatleasttwoinfelicities.First,inadvertentlytheyendupascribingmorepowertosuchcorporationsasAmazonorGooglethantheyactuallyhave.WhilemuchattentionisgiventotheautomatedandcomputationalaspectsofGoogle,theworkingsofthesearchengineareunstableandrelyonthedistributed,heterogeneous,anddynamicactionsofnotonlyalgorithmsbutalsoengineers,operators,webmasters,andusers.[90]Second,theyascribelesspowertopeoplethantheyactuallyhave.WhiletherulesofGoogle’salgorithmandfunctionssuchasautocompleteareatightlyheldsecret,Google’soperationisshapedandmediatedbythesearch-and-findbehavioursofcitizensubjects
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Cyberspaceisthuslikeotherspacesthatdemandsecuringoneselfthroughmaterialsandtechnologiesbutalsothroughhabits,norms,andprotocols
All of these make further demands on subjects to acquire considerable forms of capital, from technical expertise to financial resources and time. Even though citizen subjects are interpellated to respond to these calls, the solutions are increasingly individualized, personalized, and privatized.
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Opennessinrelationtosharingthushasmultiplemeaningsandisamatterofpoliticalcontestationthatbeliesthepositiveformulationsofitasafoundingimaginaryofcyberspace.Ontheonehand,itmeansmakinggovernmentstransparent,democratizingknowledge,collaboratingandco-producing,andimprovingwell-beingbutontheother,exposing,makingvisible,andopeningupsubjectstovariousknownandunknownpracticesandinterventions.[76]Alongwithparticipatingandconnecting,sharinggeneratesthesetensions,especiallyinrelationtowhatisoftenreducedtoasquestionsofprivacy.Thistensionthatopennessgeneratesincreasinglycreatesadditionaldemandsthatcitizenssecurethemselvesfromandberesponsibleforthepotentialandevenunknowableconsequencesoftheirdigitalconduct.
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Popularlyknownasthe‘quantifiedself’,datatracesproduceacompulsiontonotonlyself-trackbutsharethisdatasothatsubjectscanmonitorthemselvesinrelationtoothersbutalsocontributetoresearchon,forexample,healthconditions.Ironically,whilegovernmentprogrammesforsharinghealthdatahavebeenscuppered,thesharingofhealthinformationthroughprivateorganizationssuchas23andMe(DNAprofilingofmorethan700,000members)andPatientsLikeMe(healthconditionsofmorethan250,000members)areproliferatingandpromotingdatasharingforthepublicgoodofadvancingmedicine.[62]Governmentsandcorporationsalikecalluponcitizensubjectstosharedataaboutthemselvesasanactofcommongood.Throughdisciplinarymethodstheycompelcitizensubjectstoconstitutethemselvesasdatasubjectsratherthanmakingrightsclaimsabouttheownershipofdatathattheyproduce.
Hay simplemente datos que no registramos y tenemos la tendencia dejar una sobra digital pequeña en lugar de una grande. Los data selfies son maneras de reapropiar las narrativas sobre los datos y pensarnos de otras maneras desde ellos, en lugar de dejar esas lecturas sólo a quienes nos mercantilizan.
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Butherethesharingofgovernmentdataisalsodirectedatcommercialbodiestowardsstimulatingamarketofapplications,platforms,andanalyticsaswellastoinnovateservices,contributetoaworldwidegovernmentdatamarket,andstimulategreaterprivate-sectorprovisionofpublicservices
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Sharingexpertiseisalsotheethosofhackingevents,whicharenotonlyforumsorganizedbyandforactivistsbutnowcommonlybygovernmentsandcorporations.Thesamecanbesaidofactionsthatinvolvecollectiveproblemsolvingasmodesofsharingone’slabour,skills,anddatathroughinitiativessuchasthecitizenscienceprojectsofZooniverseor,incontrast,Amazon’sMechanicalTurk.[55]However,likeotherone-to-manysharingplatforms,thesearealsoorganizedondifferentprinciples.GalaxyZooandsimilarformsofcitizenscienceinvolvedonationsofvoluntarylabourforusuallybroaderpublicgoodsandobjectives.
La pregunta es también ¿quién coloca la pregunta/problema? tanto en las hackatones, como el las actividades de ciencia abierta.
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Actsofconnectingrespondtoacallingthatpersistseveninlightofthetraceabilityofdigitalactionsandconcernsaboutprivacy.Thosewhoaremakingrightsclaimstoprivacyanddataownershiparebyfaroutnumberedbythosewhocontinuetosharedatawithoutconcern.Thatadatatraceisamaterialthatcanbemined,shared,analysed,andacteduponbynumerouspeoplemakestheimaginaryofopennessvulnerabletooftenunknownorunforeseeableacts.Butdigitaltracesalsointroduceanothertension.Anothercalling,thatofsharingdigitalcontentandtraces,isademandthatevokestheimaginaryofopennessfundamentaltotheveryarchitectureofsharedresourcesandgifteconomythatformedtheonce-dominantlogicofcyberspace
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VanDijckconcludesthatdespitetheseandotherconstraintsonagencyandparticipating,optingoutofsocialmediaisdifficult,especiallyifbeingdigitallyliterateandmaintainingacriticalstanceinrelationtocontemporarycultureareofvalue.[51]Franklinechoesthisinherstancethatsuchpropositionssee‘unplugging’as‘simplyatechnical
matter when evidence shows that there is a little understood psychoemotional component to being and staying in touch via the internet.’
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Toputitbluntly,fromourperspective,popularcriticshavebecometooconcernedaboutcyberspacecreatingobedientsubjectstopowerratherthanunderstandingthatcyberspaceiscreatingsubmissivesubjectsofpowerwhoarepotentiallycapableofsubversion.
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Or,aswewouldputit,actingthroughtheInternetandmakingconnectionswithothersdoesnotreplace,displace,orsupplantotherwaysofactinginsocialorculturalspacesinwhichweareembedded.
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thechangethatsocialmediahasintroducedfromcommunity-oriented‘connectedness’toplatform-andowner-configured‘connectivity.’[41]WiththeintroductionofWeb2.0,shearguesthatconnectivitycaptureshowsocialityhasbecometechnologicallymediatedthroughcommercialplatformsthatorganizeandmanageinteraction.
En el Data Week experimentamos un regreso hacia las plataformas comunitarias, pues si bien la convocatoria se realiza por Twitter o Meetup, los asistentes terminan teniendo presencia en dichas plataformas alternativas.
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Inrelationtoteens,danahboydarguesthatsocialmediaenablesthemnotonlytoparticipatebuttohelpcreate‘networkedpublics’,whichare‘constructs’throughwhichteensconnectandimaginethemselvesaspartofacommunitythatisnotindependentfrombutverymuchconnectedtotheirrelationsin‘real’space.
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Howcanthecallingtoparticipatethatwehaveidentifiedproducedigitalcitizenswhoseactsexceedtheirintentions?Toputitdifferently,atensionexistsbetweenthewaysinwhichthefigureofthedigitalcitizenisconceivedinhegemonicimaginariesandlegaldiscoursesandhowsheisperformativelycomingintobeingthroughactionsthatequiphertobeacitizeninwaysthatarenotacknowledgedoralwaysintended.
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Forexample,whatresourcesofcyberspacedodigitallyequippedsubjectshavetheauthorizationtoaccessasaresultoftheworkingsofsearchalgorithmsandfiltersortheprotocolsthatgovernandnormalizetheretention,storage,sharing,anddiscoverabilityofinformation?[36]Iflegalityandimaginaryconfigurethecitizenasasubjectofpowerandplacedemandsonhertoparticipatedigitally(submission),whatwefindinterestinghereandinrelationtohowwehaveunderstoodbeingdigitalcitizensistheperformativityofparticipatingthatprovidesaglimpseofthecitizenasalsoapotentialsubjectofsubversion.How,forexample,doesparticipatinggiverisetosubversiveactions,suchasthoseofcriticalcitizenscience?[37]Or,asMatthewFullerandAndrewGoffeyputit,howdoinjunctionssuchasGoogle’s‘Don’tbeevil’maximbeliethepropensitiesthatareactivatedbyrelativelyunstablesociotechnicalarrangementsthataregenerativeof‘unintendedorsecondaryeffects’?
¿Cómo las infraestructuras legales y tecnológicas soportan la bifurcación y recombinación? ¿Cómo esto empodera otras prácticas ciudadanas?
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the‘actofhangingoutonline[wasfoundtohave]enormouspotentialforcreatingthecivicnetworksthatsupportreal-worldpoliticalengagement.’
Esto lo experimente por mi cuenta con la Ley Lleras y otras formas de activismo.
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Nevertheless,manystudieshavefoundlittleevidencethatsociallyandeconomicallydisadvantagedgroupparticipationincreaseswhenpoliticsisconductedthroughtheInternet,whetherinwaysthatmimicofflineforms,suchaspetitions,ornewones,suchassocialmedia
Hay un "remedo" de participación, que presupone que porque tenemos acceso a Internet estamos participando. La participación real debe estar asociada a modelos socioeconómicos que la hagan posible y la valoren más allá del extractivismo y la exclusión actual.
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Despitetheirdifferences,theydogenerallyshareanimaginaryofcitizensubjectsasalreadyformedassubjectsofsubmission,wheretheirparticipationisamatterofaccess,skills,andusage.Itisanimaginaryofacitizenasasubjectwhoisoftensubmissive(ifnotobedient)andisactiveonlyinwaysrecognizedbygovernmentpoliciesandprogrammes.Alleffortsareaimedatdiscipliningsubjectsalongdigitalinclusionscalesthroughactionsthatinvolveaccess,skills,motivation,andtrust.Itisthroughrepetitionthattheseactionsbecomeembodiedandthroughwhichcitizensubjectsbecomegovernable.Digitalinclusionthusplacesdemandsonthecitizensubjecttouptaketheseactions,tobeskilledandtooled,andtolearnandbecomeknowledgeableandcompetentinlookingafterherselfandgoverninghersocialneeds
[...] But to do so also demands vigilance in maintaining and re-equipping oneself in terms of both skills and infrastructures in the face of constant change: ‘System outages, constant software updates, platform redesigns, network upgrades, hardware modifications, and connectivity changes make netizenship in the bitstream a rather challenging way of life.
Muchos de los llamados que hace el Gobierno presuponen un tipo de ciudadano que participa de manera predefinidas por el mismo Gobierno, usualmente complacientes e inactivas o asociadas exclusivamente a modos neoliberales/capitalistas de participación vía el "emprendimiento".
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‘equipthewholecountrywiththeskills,motivation,andtrusttogoonline,bedigitallycapableandtomakethemostoftheinternet....Ifwesucceed,by2020everyonewhocanbedigitallycapable,willbe.’
Grafoscopio 2020 puede ser un llamado a pensar ese futuro optimista y empoderante y los compromisos con el mismo desde el mediano plazo.
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Mossbergeretal.,forexample,understanddigitalcitizenshipastheabilitytofullyparticipateinsocietyonline,whichrequiresregularaccesstotheInternet,withadequatedevicesandspeeds,technologicalskillsandcompetence,andinformationliteracy.[21]Equippingthusincludesnotonlyhardware,suchasinstallingcomputersinclassroomsandlibrariesandexpandinghigh-speedbroadbandservices,butalsodevelopingskillsandcapabilitiesthroughtrainingcoursesincomputing,coding,andprogramming
Una de las cosas que hemos hecho es apropiarnos de los ciclos de actualización tecnológica para ponerlos en nuestras manos sin andar corriendo detrás de la última actualización.
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Theempoweringpossibilitiesofaccessingandworkingwithdataalsounderpin‘opengovernmentdata’programmes.Opennessisextendedtomakinggovernmenttransparentthroughapublicrighttodataandfreedomtoinformation,aversionthatisalsoadvancedbycivicorganizationssuchasmySociety.[19]Thesecallforthanimaginaryofcitizensasdataanalystsequippedwiththeskillsnecessarytoanalysetheircommercialtransactionsandthusmakebetterdecisionsortoanalysethetransactionsofgovernmentsandthusholdthemtoaccount.
Agregar la gráfica de la manera en la cual se puede hacer al gobierno:
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Becomingadigitalcitizeninvolvesrespondingtocallingswhereparticipatingisoneofthem.Participatingdemandsspecificactionsofskillingandtoolingthatcitizensneedtoundertaketoequipthemselves.
Escoger un conjunto de competencias sobre las cuáles ejercer la ciudadanía.
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ForHalfordandSavage,whetherliberatingordividing,cyberspace(orwhattheyrefertoasthe‘Web’)isalwaysconsideredasanalreadygivenspace,anditssubjectsareseparate,independent,andpreformedratherthanperformed.Ratherthanassumingthat‘pre-formedsocialgroups“use”(ordon’tuse)technologies’,theyidentifya‘morecomplexprocessofmutualinteractionandstabilisation’wheredigitaltechnologiesarenotseparatedfromsocialprocessesbutinsteadinvolvedinconstitutingsubjectsindiverseandpervasiveways.[16]Inotherwords,theyadvancethattheWebisnotindependentfromtheactionsofsubjects.
[...] What they identify as complex social processes between digital technologies and the formation of subjects, we specify as the digital acts through which citizen subjects are called upon by legality, performativity, and imaginary.
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‘A“digitaldivide”isneveronlydigital;itsconsequencesplayoutwhereverpoliticalandeconomicdecisionsaremadeandwherevertheirresultsarefelt.’
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Inequalityisexpressedasleadingtotwodivisions:betweenthosewhodoanddonothaveaccessandbetweenthosewhodoordonotcontributetocontentorleavedigitaltraces.
Aumentar la capacidad en la comunidad de base para enunciar sus propias voces.
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Wefocusonthreeactsthatsymbolizeparticularlywellthedemandsforopenness—participating,connecting,andsharing.Theseactsarenotallinclusive;therearecertainlyotheracts,buttheycoverwhatwesuggestarekeydigitalactsandtheirenablingdigitalactions
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Ifwefocusoncallingsandtheactionstheymobilizeandhowtheymakeactspossible,wealsoshiftourfocusfromafreedomversuscontroldichotomytotheplayofobedience,submission,andsubversion.Thisisaplayconfiguredbytheforcesoflegality,performativity,andimaginarywhichcalluponsubjectstobeopenandresponsibleandthroughwhichmostlygovernmentalbutalsocommercialandnongovernmentalauthoritiestrytomaintaintheirgripontheconductofthosewhoaretheirsubjects.
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Itisoftenforgottenthatthecitizensubjectisnotmerelyanintentionalagentofconductbutalsoaproductofcallingsthatmobilizethatconduct
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WeagreewithCohenontheseeminglyparadoxicalrelationbetweenimaginariesofopenness(copyleft,commons)andclosedness(copyright,privacy)andtheirconnectiontoinformationfreedomandcontrol.Sheisrighttoarguethatthisparadoxcannotberesolvedinlegaltheoryfortwomainreasons.First,freedomandcontrolarenotseparatebutrequireeachother,andhowthisplaysoutinvolvescalibrationwithinspecificsituatedpractices.[6]Second,andrelatedly,legaltheorydependsonaconceptionofabstractliberalautonomousselvesratherthansubjectsthatemergefromthecreative,embodied,andmaterialpracticesofsituatedandnetworkedindividuals
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Today,beingopenhasbecomeademandonorganizationsandindividualstoshareeverythingfromsoftwareandpublicationstodataaboutthemselves.Fromopendata,opengovernment,opensociety
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Wecannotsimplyassumethatbeingadigitalcitizenalreadymeanssomething,suchastheabilitytoparticipate,andthenlookforwhoseconductconformstothismeaning.Rather,digitalactsarerefashioning,inventing,andmakingupcitizensubjectsthroughtheplayofobedience,submission,andsubversion
Nosotros hablábamos de deliberación, implementación y seguimiendo sobre las decisiones, como forma de participación. Desde el Data Week estamos yendo del seguimiento a las primeras.
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Beingdigitalcitizensisnotsimplytheabilitytoparticipate.[2]Wediscussedinchapter1howJonKatzdescribedanethosofsharing,exchange,knowledge,andopennessinthe1990s.Today,thesehavebecomecallingstoperformourselvesincyberspacethroughactionssuchaspetitioning,posting,andblogging.Theseactionsrepeatedlycalluponcitizensubjectsofcyberspace,andherewewanttoaddresstheirlegal,performative,andimaginaryforce.
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Tounderstanddigitalactswehavetounderstandspeechactsorspeechthatacts.Thespeechthatactsmeansnotonlythatinorbysayingsomethingwearedoingsomethingbutalsothatinorbydoingsomethingwearesayingsomething.ItisinthissensethatwehaveargueddigitalactsaredifferentfromspeechactsonlyinsofarastheconventionstheyrepeatanditerateandconventionsthattheyresignifyareconventionsthataremadepossiblethroughtheInternet.Ultimately,digitalactsresignifyquestionsofanonymity,extensity,traceability,andvelocityinpoliticalways.
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Toputitsimply,whiledigitalactstraverseborders,digitalrightsdonot.Thisiswherewebelievethinkingaboutdigitalactsintermsoftheirlegality,performativity,andimaginaryiscrucialsincethereareinternationalandtransnationalspacesinwhichdigitalrightsarebeingclaimedthatifnotyetlegallyinforceareneverthelessemergingperformativelyandimaginatively.Yet,arguably,someemergingtransnationalandinternationallawsgoverningcyberspaceinturnarehavinganeffectonnationallegislations.Toputitdifferently,theclassicalargumentabouttherelationshipbetweenhumanrightsandcitizenshiprights,thattheformerarenormsandonlythelattercarrytheforceoflaw,isnotahelpfulstartingpoint.
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Theimportantthingistoseparateacts(locutionary,illocutionary
The important thing is to separate acts (locutionary, illocutionary, perlocutionary), forces (legal, performative, imaginary), conventions, actions, bodies, and spaces that their relations produce.
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Itiswellnighimpossibletomakedigitalutteranceswithoutatrace;onthecontrary,oftentheforceofadigitalspeechactdrawsitsstrengthfromthetracesthatitleaves.Aswesaidinchapter2,eachofthesequestionsraisedbydigitalactscanarguablybefoundinothertechnologiesofspeechacts—thetelegraph,megaphone,radio,andtelephonecometomindimmediately.Butitiswhentakentogetherthatwethinkdigitalactsresignifythesequestionsandcombinetomakethemdistinctfromspeechacts,intermsofboththeconventionsbywhichtheybecomepossibleandtheeffectsthattheyproduce.
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Digitalactswillnoteliminatedistance(weunderstanddistancehereasnotmerelyquantitativebutalsoaqualitativemetric),butthespeedwithwhichdigitalactscanreverberateisphenomenal.
Estos efectos de reverberación fueron sentidos en la Gobernatón y, en la medida en que se crea capacidad en la base y no sólo se reacciona, también se sienten en los Data Weeks, con menos potencia.
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‘codeistheonlylanguagethatisexecutable.’[49]‘So[forGalloway]codeisthefirstlanguagethatactuallydoeswhatitsays—itisamachineforconvertingmeaningintoaction.’[50]WithAustin(andWittgenstein),thisconclusioncomesasamajorsurprisetous.Aswehavearguedinthischapter,forAustin(andWittgenstein)languageisanactivity,andinorbysayingsomethinginlanguagewedosomethingwithit—weact.Toputitdifferently,languageisexecutable.[51]Thereisnouniquenesstocodeinthatregard,althoughwhilecodeislikelanguage,itisdifferent.WethinkthatdifferenceistobesoughtinitseffectsandtheconventionsitcreatesthroughtheInternetratherthaninitsostensibleuniquenature
El lenguaje es ejecutable!
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ForGalloway,‘now,protocolsreferspecificallytostandardsgoverningtheimplementationofspecifictechnologies.Liketheirdiplomaticpredecessors,computerprotocolsestablishtheessentialpointsnecessarytoenactanagreed-uponstandardofaction.’
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ThepremiseofthisbookisthatthecitizensubjectactingthroughtheInternetisthedigitalcitizenandthatthisisanewsubjectofpoliticswhoalsoactsthroughnewconventionsthatnotonlyinvolvedoingthingswithwordsbutdoingwordswiththings.
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Ifcallingssummoncitizensubjects,theyalsoprovokeopeningsandclosingsformakingrightsclaims.Weconsideropeningsasthosepossibilitiesthatcreatenewwaysofsayinganddoingrights.Openingsarethosepossibilitiesthatenabletheperformanceofpreviouslyunimaginedorunarticulatedexperiencesofwaysofbeingcitizensubjects,aresignificationofbeingspeakingandactingbeings.Openingsarepossibilitiesthroughwhichcitizensubjectscomeintobeing.Closings,bycontrast,contractandreducepossibilitiesofbecomingcitizensubjects
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Whatwemeanbythisisthatasaclaim,theutterance‘havearightto’placesdemandsontheothertoactinaparticularway.
[...] This is the sense in which the rights of a subject are obligations on others and the rights of others function as obligations on us.
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Thisindividualisautonomousnotbecauseitisseparateorindependentfromsocietybutasitsproductretainsthecapabilitytoquestionitsowninstitution.Castoriadissaysthatthisnewtypeofbeingiscapableofcallingintoquestiontheverylawsofitsexistenceandhascreatedthepossibilityofbothdeliberationandpoliticalaction.
Esta parte se conecta con Fuchs y la dualidad agencia estructura
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Theseareimaginariesnotbecausetheyfailtocorrespondtoconcreteandspecificexperiencesorthingsbutbecausetheyrequireactsofimagination.Theyaresocialbecausetheyareinstitutedandmaintainedbyimpersonalandanonymouscollectives.Beingbothsocialandimaginary,theseinstitutesocietyascoherentandunifiedyetalwaysincoherentandfragmented.Howeachsocietydealswiththistensionconstitutesitspolitics
Grafoscopio y el Data Week se ubican en imaginarios sociales sobre lo que es la participación política.
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Tounderstandcitizensubjectswhomakerightsclaimsbysayinganddoing‘I,we,theyhavearightto’,wearemovingfromthefirstpersontothesecondandthethird,fromtheindividualtothecollective.Weneedtoconsidertwoadditionalforcesthatmakeactspossible.Thetwoforcesaretheforceofthelawandtheforceoftheimaginary.
Grafoscopio también permite esos pasos de lo individual a lo colectivo, desde la imaginación y lo legal.
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Onthecontrary,citizensubjectsperformativelycomeintobeinginorbytheactofsayinganddoingsomething—whetherthroughwords,images,orotherthings—andthroughperformingthecontradictionsinherentinbecomingcitizens.
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ThisistheprincipalreasonwhyweneedtoinvestigatenotonlythingsdoneinorbyspeakingthroughtheInternetbutalsothingssaidinorbydoingthingsthroughtheInternet.
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‘Theforceoftheperformativeisthusnotinheritedfrompriorusage,butissuesforthpreciselyfromitsbreakwithanyandallpriorusage.Thatbreak,thatforceofrupture,istheforceoftheperformative,beyondallquestionoftruthormeaning.’[22]Forpoliticalsubjectivity,‘performativitycanworkinpreciselysuchcounter-hegemonicways.Thatmomentinwhichaspeechactwithoutpriorauthorizationneverthelessassumesauthorizationinthecourseofitsperformancemayanticipateandinstatealteredcontextsforitsfuturereception.’[23]Toconceiveruptureasasystemicortotalupheavalwouldbefutile.Rather,ruptureisamomentwherethefuturebreaksthroughintothepresent.[24]Itisthatmomentwhereitbecomespossibletodosomethingdifferentinorbysayingsomethingdifferent.
Acá los actos futuros guían la acción presente y le dan permiso de ocurrir. Del mismo modo como el derecho a ser olvidado es un derecho futuro imaginado que irrumpe en la legislación presente, pensar un retrato de datos o campañas políticas donde éstos sean importantes, le da forma al activismo presente.
La idea clave acá es hacer algo diferente, que ha sido el principio tras Grafoscopio y el Data Week, desde sus apuestas particulares de futuro, que en buena medida es discontinuo con las prácticas del presente, tanto ciudadanas, cono de alfabetismos y usos populares de la tecnología.
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Thekeyissueinspeechactsbecomeswhether,andifsotowhatextent,whatissayableanddoablefollowsorexceedssocialconventionsthatgovernasituation.
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Byadvancingtheideathatspeechisnotonlyadescription(constative)butalsoanact(performative),Austinushersinaradicallydifferentwayofthinkingaboutnotonlyspeakingandwritingbutalsodoingthingsinorbyspeakingandwriting.
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butbodiesandtheirmovementsareimplicitinspeechthatacts.
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Toputitdifferently,Austin’sconcernwithinfelicitousisnotaregretonhispartbutarecognitionthatspeechdoesnotonlyact,italsocanfailtoactorfailtoactinwaysanticipated.
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Bysayingsomething,Ihaveaccomplishedsomething.Thus,‘of’sayingsomethinghasmeaning(locutionaryacts),whereas‘in’or‘by’sayingsomethinghasforce(illocutionaryandperlocutionaryacts).
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Moreover,ourconcernwiththeInternetisnotthespeakingsubjectassuchbuthowmakingrightsclaimsbringscitizensubjectsintobeing.Howdodigitalactsbringcitizensubjectsintobeing?DoestheInternetintroducearadicaldifferenceforunderstandingcitizensubjects?DoesthelanguageoftheInternet—code—worklikenaturallanguage?
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Thistraversingofactsproducesconsiderablecomplexitiesinbecomingdigitalcitizens.Second,weneedtospecifytowhatextentcertainrightsclaimedbydigitalactsareclassicalrights(e.g.,freedomofspeech),towhatextenttheyareanalogoustoclassicalrights(e.g.,anonymity),andtowhatextenttheyarenew(e.g.,therighttobeforgotten).
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"If you go to Europe, politicians don't matter. The people making the decisions in Europe are bankers," he said. "The technicians of finance are making the decisions there. It has very little to do with democracy or the will of the people. And we are hostage to that because we like our iPhones."
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The acclaimed and bestselling novelist, who denies himself access to the internet when writing, was talking at the Hay festival in Cartagena, Colombia. "Maybe nobody will care about printed books 50 years from now, but I do. When I read a book, I'm handling a specific object in a specific time and place. The fact that when I take the book off the shelf it still says the same thing – that's reassuring," said Franzen
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- Sep 2017
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Local file Local file
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wewillspecifydigitalacts—callings(demands,pressures,provocations),closings(tensions,conflicts,disputes),andopenings(opportunities,possibilities,beginnings)—aswaysofconductingourselvesthroughtheInternetanddiscusshowthesebringcyberspaceintobeing
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weconsiderthesubjectcalledthecitizenasasubjectofpower.Whilesubjecttopowerisproducedbysovereignsocieties,thesubjectofpowerisproducedbydisciplinaryandcontrolsocieties.Itisabsolutelyimportanttomakeitclearthatthecontemporarysubjectembodiesallthesethreeformsofpower.Thisisthesenseinwhichweconsiderthecitizensubjectasasubjectofpowerandasasubjectweinherit.
Qué otras formas de estar en el mundo no fueron heredadas por la tradición colonialista? ¿Podrían rastrearse etnográficamente, diálogicamente y convivialmente en otros lugares?
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Ifwedistinguishprivacyfromanonymity,werealizethatanonymityontheInternethasspawnedanewpoliticaldevelopment.Ifprivacyistherighttodeterminewhatonedecidestokeeptoherselfandwhattosharepublicly,anonymityconcernstherighttoactwithoutbeingidentified.ThesecondconcernsthevelocityofactingthroughtheInternet.Forbetterorforworse,itisalmostpossibletoperformanactontheInternetfasterthanonecanthink.ThethirdconcernstheextensityofactingthroughtheInternet.ThenumberofaddresseesanddestinationsthatarepossibleforactingthroughtheInternetisstaggering.So,too,aretheboundaries,borders,andjurisdictionsthatanactcantraverse.Thefourthconcernstraceability.IfitisperformedontheInternet,anactcanbetracedinwaysthatarepracticallyimpossibleoutsidetheInternet.Takentogether,anonymity,velocity,extensity,andtraceabilityarequestionsthatareresignifiedbybodiesactingthroughtheInternet
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Itistritetosay,butbeinganAmericancitizeninNewYorkisdifferentfrombeinganIraniancitizeninTehranandnotequivalentregardlessofhumanrightsconventions.Second,theboundariesofwhatissayableanddoableandthustheperformativityofbeingcitizensareradicallydifferentin,say,TunisandMadrid.Finally,theimaginaryforceofactingasacitizeninAthenshasaradicallydifferenthistorythanithas,say,inIstanbul.ThesecomplexitiesanddifferentiationscometomakeahugedifferenceinhowcitizensubjectsuptakecertainpossibilitiesandactandorganizethemselvesthroughtheInternet.
Hay ejercicios conviviales, vinculados al territorio, pero no confinados por las leyes particulares del país, en lo referido a la creación de software libre y contenidos abiertos. Sin embargo, la fuerza del estado se hace presente en casos como los de Basil, donde su activismo lo llevo a la muerte.
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Afourthgroup,inwhichFuchsseeshimself,arguesthattheobjectiveconditionsthatledpeopletoprotestfoundmechanismsforexpressingsubjectivepositions,therebyhelpingorganizetheseprotests.[83]ByemphasizingadifferencebetweentheInternetingeneralandsocialmedia,FuchsidentifiesthreedimensionsofInternetusage,especiallybytheOccupymovement:buildingasharedimaginaryofthemovement,communicatingitsideastotheworldoutside,andengaginginintensecollaboration.[84]Fuchsalsohelpfullydevelopsamuchwiderlistofplatformsusedbythemovementratherthandumpingthemallintoanall-encompassingcategoryof‘socialmedia’.
Ver https://hyp.is/R5PndKU_EeeMGeOQsHFMbw. Es el mismo Fuchs de mi marco teórico?
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Althoughalloftheseprotestswerestagedwithinrelativelythesameperiod,thereweresignificantdifferences,asonewouldexpect,forthereasons,methods,reactions,andeffectsoftheseacts.Yetitisfairtosaythattheyallsharedtwoqualities:alltheseactswerestagedinsquaresandstreetsandwerevaryinglyenactedthroughtheInternet.[81]Thishasresultedinnumerousinterpretationsoftherelationbetweenthetwo:squaresandsocialmedia.ItisquiteunfortunateattheoutsetthattheinterpretivedebatesabouttheimportanceoftheInternetinthestagingoftheseactshavebeenframedintermsof‘socialmedia’.
El vínculo entre la plaza pública y las redes sociales populares, es efectivamente desafortunado, pues estas últimas se parecen más a centros comerciales, que a plazas públicas. Puede ĺa plaza pública reconfigurar las redes sociales en espacios como Ocuppy y 15M, donde hay largas acampadas que reconfigurarías las prácticas respecto a los artefactos virtuales que ayudaron a articular los encuentros presenciales?
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Butbeforeweproceed,letusnotethatwewillnotcontinuetousethelanguageofconceived,perceived,andlivedspace.Instead,wewillusethesamecategorieswehaveintroducedtodiscussthreeforcesofsubjectivationthatbringcitizensubjectsintobeing:legality,performativity,andimaginary.
The parallel is not perfect, but it will serve our purposes of maintaining a grip on the complexities of cyberspace as distinct from other spaces while approaching it from the perspective of acts that constitute it.
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Havingrecognizedthatspaceexistsinvariousregisters,scholarsalsostudysuchspacesascultural,social,legal,economic,orpoliticalspaces.Theirassumptionisnotthatsuchspacesexistasseparateandindependentfromspacespeopleinhabit,buttheseareanalyticalmeanstoconcentrateonasubsetofrelationsthatconstitutesuchspacesfordeeperunderstandingofhowpeopleinhabit,say,aculturalspace,whichissimultaneouslyyetasynchronouslyaconceived,perceived,andlivedspace.
La descripción de los espacios hacker y maker podría conectarse con esta descripción.
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FollowingHenriLefebvre,atleastthreeregistersofspaceshavebeenelaborated:conceivedspace,perceivedspace,andlivedspace.[76]Theessentialpointisthatinhabitingspacesinthreeregisters,weexperienceourbeing-in-the-worldthroughsimultaneousbutasynchronousregisters.Subjectsinhabitconceivedspacessuchasobjectifyingpracticesthatcode,recode,present,andrepresentspacetorenderitasalegibleandintelligiblespaceofhabitation.Peopleinhabitperceivedspacessuchassymbolicrepresentationsofspacethatguideourimaginativerelationshiptoit.Subjectsalsoinhabitlivedspacesthroughthingstheydoinorbyliving.Livedspacesarethespacesthroughwhichsubjectsact.Thesethreeregistersofspacearedistinctyetoverlappingbutalsointeracting:byinhabitingthem,wemakethem.
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Deleuzethinksthat,bycontrast,incontrolsocieties‘thekeythingisnolongerasignatureornumberbutacode:codesarepasswords,whereasdisciplinarysocietiesareruled...byprecepts.’[67]Heobservesthat‘thedigitallanguageofcontrolismadeupofcodesindicatingwhetheraccesstosomeinformationshouldbeallowedordenied.’[68]ForDeleuze,controlsocietiesfunctionwithanewgenerationofmachinesandwithinformationtechnologyandcomputers.Forcontrolsocieties,‘thepassivedangerisnoiseandtheactive[dangersare]piracyandviralcontamination.
[...] For Deleuze, ‘[i]t’s true that, even before control societies are fully in place, forms of delinquency or resistance (two different things) are also appearing. Computer piracy and viruses, for example, will replace strikes and what the nineteenth century called “sabotage” (“clogging” the machinery).’
Otras formas de contestación pueden referirse a la creación de narrativas alternativas usando las mismas herramientas que crean las estructuras de control.
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Deleuzewasnowconvincedthat‘[w]e’removingtowardcontrolsocietiesthatnolongeroperatebyconfiningpeoplebutthroughcontinuouscontrolandinstantcommunication.’[65]Thespaceofcontrolsocietieswasdiffuseanddispersedanddecisivelycyberneticinitsmodesofgovernment.
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Thespacesthatsovereignpowerproducescorrespondtosuchstrategiesandtechnologiesofexclusion:expulsion,prohibition,banishment,eviction,exile,anddeportationaresuchexamples.Bycontrast,beingasubjectofpowermobilizesstrategiesandtechnologiesofdiscipline,whichrequiresubmissionbutopenuppossibilitiesofsubversion.Thespacesthatdisciplinarypowerproducesareappropriatetosuchstrategiesandtechnologiesofdiscipline:asylums,camps,andbarracksbutalsohospitals,prisons,schools,andmuseumsasspacesofconfinement.Eachofthesespacesisaspaceofcontestation,competitiveandsocialstrugglesinandthroughwhichcertainformsofknowledgeareproducedinenunciationsthatperformsubjects.Neitherspacesofexclusionnorspacesofdisciplinearestaticorcontainerspaces.Theyaredynamicandrelationalspaces.Thereareno‘physical’spacesseparatefrompowerrelationsandnopowerrelationsthatarenotembeddedinspatializingstrategiesandtechnologiesofpower.
La idea de un hackerspace como un tercer espacio, donde se juegan dinámicas de poder, como en todos, pero éste es transitorio, meritocrático, contestable, incluso a pesar de la falta de estructura evidente del mismo espacio. Como otros espacios, dicha contestación requiere saber los rituales del espacio y sus lenguajes. Tal contestación no tiene por qué tomar una forma confrontacional y puede ocurrir simplemente a través de la creación de alianzas transitorias y comunidades de práctica que eligen unas tecnologías y no otras. Incluso, prácticas como el Data Week dan la posibilidad de contestar esta práctica particular, al explicitar los saberes y materialidades que la constituyen.
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Deibertrightlyarguesthat‘althoughcyberspacemayseemlikevirtualreality,it’snot.EverydeviceweusetoconnecttotheInternet,everycable,machine,application,andpointalongthefibre-opticandwirelessspectrumthroughwhichdatapassesisapossiblefilteror“chokepoint,”agreyareathatcanbemonitoredandthatcanconstrainwhatwecancommunicate,thatcansurveilandchokeoffthefreeflowofcommunicationandinformation.’[59]NotonlydoesthismeanthattheInternethasmaterialeffectssuchasdatacentres,serverclusters,andcode,thoughthisiscertainlytrueandtherearestudiesaboutthesematerialforms.
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Ratherthanunderstandingcyberspaceasaseparateandindependentspace,weinterpretitasaspaceofrelations.Putdifferently,DonnaHaraway’sCyborgManifesto(1984),whichisnotaboutthethenincipientInternetbutabouttheinterconnectednessofhumansandmachines,isjustasrelevanttoourageoftheInternetthroughwhichwebothsayanddothings.
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Ifthecomputerizationofsocietyraisessuchquestions,theanalysisoftheproduction,dissemination,andlegitimationofknowledge,onwhichithasaprofoundeffect,cannotberestrictedtounderstandingcomputerizationascommunicationorcomputer-mediatedcommunication.Rather,theobjectofinvestigationoughttobelanguagegamesthatbecamepossiblethroughwhatLyotardsawasnetworkedcomputers
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WhatwefindinLyotard—albeitinincipientform—isthatratherthanconceivingaseparateandindependentspace,thepointistorecognizethatpowerrelationsincontemporarysocietiesarebeingincreasinglymediatedandconstitutedthroughcomputernetworksthateventuallycametobeknownastheInternet.
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Sincethemeansofproduction,dissemination,andlegitimationofknowledgeprincipallyinvolveslanguage,Lyotardsawlanguageasthemainsiteofsocialstruggle.Itisnotsurprising,then,thatLyotardwasattractedtoLudwigWittgensteinandJ.L.Austintodevelopamethodofunderstandinglanguageasameansofsocialstruggle.
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WehavealreadycharacterizedcyberspaceasaspaceofrelationsbetweenandamongbodiesactingthroughtheInternet.Wenotedearlierthat1984wasthebirthoftheconceptofcyberspace.Yetduringtheverysameyear,amuchlessknownwork,orrather,aworkknownmuchmoreforitstitle,Jean-FrançoisLyotard’sThePostmodernCondition(1984),appeared.
[...] We want to revisit both Lyotard’s substantive argument and his method because, writing before the concept of cyberspace, his starting point is not an ostensibly existing space but changing social relations through computerization.
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Wedisagreewiththisviewofcode.AlthoughwegatherfromLessigandotherscholarssuchasRonDeibertandJulieCohentheimportanceofcode,wecannotagreethatcodecanordoeshavesuchadetermininginfluence.[45]Wewill,however,explainthislaterinchapter3,wherewediscussinmoredetailtheimportanceoflanguageandtheirreducibledifferencesbetweenspeech,writing,andcode.Fornow,wewanttoemphasizethatifweareboundtousetheconcept‘cyberspace’andcompareittosomethingcalled‘real’space,we’dbetterunderstandthecomplexregistersinwhichcyberspaceexistsratherthanbeingopposedtoanostensible‘real’space.
the irreducible differences between speech, writing, and code.
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TheanathemaforLessigisthelossofthisfreedomincyberspace.Inrealspace,governingpeoplerequiresinducingthemtoactincertainways,butinthelastinstance,peoplehadthechoicetoactthiswayorthatway.Bycontrast,incyberspaceconductisgovernedbycode,whichtakesawaythatchoice.Incyberspace,‘iftheregulatorwantstoinduceacertainbehavior,sheneednotthreaten,orcajole,toinspirethechange.Sheneedonlychangethecode—thesoftwarethatdefinesthetermsuponwhichtheindividualgainsaccesstothesystem,orusesassetsonthesystem.’[37]Thisisbecause‘codeisanefficientmeansofregulation.Butitsperfectionmakesitsomethingdifferent.Oneobeystheselawsascodenotbecauseoneshould;oneobeystheselawsascodebecauseonecandonothingelse.Thereisnochoiceaboutwhethertoyieldtothedemandforapassword;onecompliesifonewantstoenterthesystem.Inthewellimplementedsystem,thereisnocivildisobedience.’[38]WhatLessigsuggestsisthatcyberspaceisnotonlyseparateandindependentbutconstitutesanewmodeofpower.Youconstituteyourselfasasubjectofpowerbysubmittingtocode.
En este caso particular la bifurcación es política a través del código, porque otros lugares del ciberespacio pueden ser creados ejerciendo este poder de bifurcar, si se entienden los códigos.
En una charla de 2008, con Jose David Cuartas, le mencionaba cómo las libertades del software libre son teóricas, si no se entiende el código fuente de dicho software (las instrucciones con las que opera y se construye). Las prácticas alrededor del código, asi como los entornos físicos, comunitarios, simbólico y computacionales, donde dichas prácticas se dan, son importantes para alentar (o no) estas comprensiones y en últimas permitir que otros códigos den la posibilidad del disenso y de construir lugares distintos. De ahí que las infraestructuras de bolsillo sean importantes, pues estas disminuyen los costos de bifuración y construcción desde la diferencia.
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LeavingasidetheparadoxofusinganAmericanexperienceandlanguageforcreatingauniversal‘civilizationofthemind’,thedeclarationrevealsthatcyberspaceistobeconceivednotonlyasmetaphysical(nobodiesandnomatter)butalsoasanautonomousspace
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InthedocumentaryfilmNoMapsforTheseTerritoriesherecounts,‘[A]llIknewabouttheword“cyberspace”whenIcoinedit,wasthatitseemedlikeaneffectivebuzzword.Itseemedevocativeandessentiallymeaningless.’[31]ThisisreminiscentofNietzsche’sgenealogicalprinciplethatjustbecausesomethingcomesintobeingforonepurposedoesnotmeanthatitwillservethatpurposeforever.
[K:] Revisar este documental.
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Cyberspaceisaspaceofsocialstrugglesandnolessormore‘real’than,say,socialspaceorculturalspace—conceptsthatalsodescriberelationsbetweenbodiesandthings.Yetthisseparationbetween‘real’spaceandcyberspaceissopervasiveandcarriesabaggagethatneedsquestioning.
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thefigureofthecitizencannotenterintodebatesabouttheInternetasasubjectwithouthistoryandwithoutgeography—andwithoutcontradictions.Rather,acriticalapproachtothefigureofthecitizenataminimumrecognizesthatitisbothasubjecttopowerandsubjectofpowerandthatthisfigureembodiesobedience,submission,andsubversionasitsdispositions
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Theimaginaryofcitizenshipincludesawholeseriesofstatementsandutterancesaboutwhatcitizenshipis,oughttobe,hasbeen,willhavetobe,andsoon.Theimaginaryofcitizenshipisobviouslymobilizedbyandparticipatesintheformationofthelegalityofcitizenshipanditsperformativity
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Wehaveidentifiedthisasthecontradictionbetweensubmissionandsubversionorconsentanddissent.JacquesRancièrecapturesthisasdissensus.[27]Wewillreturntodissensusinchapter7.Second,whilearticulatingaparticulardemand(forinclusion,recognition),performingcitizenshipenactsauniversalrighttoclaimrights.Thisisthecontradictionbetweentheuniversalismandparticularismofcitizenship.
Estos reclamos por el reconocimiento han tomado diferentes formas en las prácticas del Data Week. ¿Quiénes son nuestros supuestos interlocutores? ¿Por quién queremos ser reconocidos desde nuestras prácticas alternas? Yo diría que se trata de algún tipo de configuración insitucional: empresa, academía y sobre todo gobierno, pues si bien no todos estamos en los dos primeros lugares, si es cierto que todos habitamos el territorio colombiano. Uno de los esfuerzos de la Gobernatón, por ejemplo, fue pensar una manera de reparto más equitativo de los recursos públicos entre comunidades de base diversas y no sólo en aquellas enagenadas por el discurso de la innovación.
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First,performingcitizenshipbothinvokesandbreaksconventions.Weshallcharacterizeconventionsbroadlyassociotechnicalarrangementsthatembodynorms,values,affects,laws,ideologies,andtechnologies.Associotechnicalarrangements,conventionsinvolveagreementorevenconsent—eitherdeliberateoroftenimplicit—thatconstitutesthelogicofanycustom,institution,opinion,ritual,andindeedlaworembodiesanyacceptedconduct.Sinceboththelogicandembodimentofconventionsareobjectsofagreement,performingtheseconventionsalsoproducesdisagreement.Anotherwayofsayingthisisthattheperformativityofconductsuchasmakingrightsclaimsoftenexceedsconventions
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‘wemakerightsclaimstocriticizepracticeswefindobjectionable,toshedlightoninjustice,tolimitthepowerofgovernment,andtodemandstateaccountabilityandintervention.’
Puede esta performatividad construir alternativas en las que no está el estado, en lugar de contraponerse a él o cuestionarlo? Qué otras configuraciones de gobernanza son posibles?
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Ifmakingrightsclaimsisperformative,itfollowsthattheserightsareneitherfixednorguaranteed:theyneedtoberepeatedlyperformed.Theircomingintobeingandremainingeffectiverequiresperformativity.Theperformativeforceofcitizenshipremindsusthatthefigureofthecitizenhastobebroughtintobeingrepeatedlythroughacts(repertoires,declarations,andproclamations)andconventions(rituals,customs,practices,traditions,laws,institutions,technologies,andprotocols).Withouttheperformanceofrights,thefigureofthecitizenwouldmerelyexistintheoryandwouldhavenomeaningindemocraticpolitics.
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Ifindeedweunderstandthisdynamicoftakinguppositionsassubjectivation,wethenidentifythreeforcesthroughwhichcitizensubjectscomeintobeing:legality,performativity,andimaginary.Theseareneithersequentialnorparallelbutsimultaneousandintertwinedforcesofsubjectivation
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Whoisthenthecitizen?Balibarsaysthatthecitizenisapersonwhoenjoysrightsincompletelyrealizingbeinghumanandisfreebecausebeinghumanisauniversalconditionforeveryone.[19]Wewouldsaythecitizenisasubjectwhoperformsrightsinrealizingbeingpoliticalbecausebecomingpoliticalisauniversalconditionforeveryone.
[...] ‘Western concepts and political principles such as the rights of [hu]man[s] and the citizen, however progressive a role they played in history, may not provide an adequate basis of critique in our current, increasingly global condition.’[20] Poster says this is so, among other things, because Western concepts arise out of imperial and colonial histories and because situated differences are as important as universal principles.[21] This contradiction of the figure of the citizen can be expressed in another paradoxical phrase: universalism as particularism.
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Therightsthatthecitizenholdsarenottherightsofanalready-existingsovereignsubjectbuttherightsofafigurewhosubmitstoauthorityinthenameofthoserightsandactstocallintoquestionitsterms.Thisistheinescapableandinheritedcontradictionbetweensubmissionandsubversionofthefigureofthecitizenthatcanbeexpressedinaparadoxicalphrase:submissionasfreedom.
submission as freedom.
Ser sujeto de derechos en un estado (someterse al poder del mismo), implica también la posibilidad de sublevarse y pensar en otras formas de ciudadanía.
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IfwefocusonhowpeopleenactthemselvesassubjectsofpowerthroughtheInternet,itinvolvesinvestigatinghowpeopleuselanguagetodescribethemselvesandtheirrelationstoothersandhowlanguagesummonsthemasspeakingbeings.Toputitdifferently,itinvolvesinvestigatinghowpeopledothingswithwordsandwordswiththingstoenactthemselves.ItalsomeansaddressinghowpeopleunderstandthemselvesassubjectsofpowerwhenactingthroughtheInternet.
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Forus,thisalsomeansthatactsoftruthaffordpossibilitiesofsubversion.Beingasubjectofpowermeansrespondingtothecall‘howshouldone“governoneself”byperformingactionsinwhichoneisoneselftheobjectiveofthoseactions,thedomaininwhichtheyarebroughttobear,theinstrumenttheyemploy,andthesubjectthatacts?’[14]Indescribingthisashisapproach,Foucaultwasclearthatthe‘developmentofadomainofacts,practices,andthoughts’posesaproblemforpolitics.[15]ItisinthisrespectthatweconsidertheInternetinrelationtomyriadacts,practices,andthoughtsthatposeaproblemforthepoliticsofthesubjectincontemporarysocieties.
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Whatdistinguishesthecitizenfromthesubjectisthatthecitizenisthiscompositesubjectofobedience,submission,andsubversion.Thebirthofthecitizenasasubjectofpowerdoesnotmeanthedisappearanceofthesubjectasasubjecttopower.Thecitizensubjectembodiestheseformsofpowerinwhichsheisimplicated,whereobedience,submission,andsubversionarenotseparatedispositionsbutarealways-presentpotentialities.
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Butthesearenotpureforms;rather,thecitizensubjectembodiestheseaspotentialities.Beingasubjecttopowerismarkedbythecitizen’sdominationbythesovereign,andherrightsderivefromthatwhichisgiventoherbythe(patriarchal)sovereign.Beingasubjectofpowermeansbeinganagentofpower,evenifthisrequiressubmission.
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asubjectisacompositeofmultipleforces,identifications,affiliations,andassociations.Thesubjectisdividedbytheseelementsratherthanbytraditionandmodernity.Italsoassertsthatasubjectisasiteofmultipleformsofpower(sovereign,disciplinary,control)thatembodiescompositedispositions(obedience,submission,subversion).
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thatquestiontheassumptionthatcitizenshipismembershipinonlyanation-state
[...] Rather, critical citizenship studies often begins with the citizen as a historical and geographic figure—a figure that emerged in particular historical and geographical configurations and a dynamic, changing, and above all contested figure of politics that comes into being by performing politics.[7]
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Thefieldbeginswithcitizenshipdefinedasrights,obligations,andbelongingtothenation-state.Threerights(civil,political,andsocial)andthreeobligations(conscription,taxation,andfranchise)governrelationshipsbetweencitizensandstates.Civilrightsincludetherighttofreespeech,toconscience,andtodignity;politicalrightsincludevotingandstandingforoffice;andsocialrightsincludeunemploymentinsurance,universalhealthcare,
and welfare.
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howmultipleactorswouldneedtoresistsurveillancestrategiesbutalsothequestionofhowInternetuserswilladjusttheireverydayconduct.ItisanopenquestionwhetherInternetusers‘willcontinuetoparticipateintheirownsurveillancethroughself-exposureordevelopnewformsofsubjectivitythatismorereflexiveabouttheconsequencesoftheirownactions’
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Givenitspervasivenessandomnipresence,avoidingorshunningcyberspaceisasdystopianasquittingsocialspace;itisalsocertainthatconductingourselvesincyberspacerequires,asmanyactivistsandscholarshavewarned,intensecriticalvigilance.Sincetherecannotbegenericoruniversalanswerstohowweconductourselves,moreorlesseveryincipientorexistingpoliticalsubjectneedstoaskinwhatwaysitisbeingcalleduponandsubjectifiedthroughcyberspace.Inotherwords,toreturnagaintotheconceptualapparatusofthisbook,thekindsofcitizensubjectscyberspacecultivatesarenothomogenousanduniversalbutfragmented,multiple,andagonistic.Atthesametime,thefigureofacitizenyettocomeisnotinevitable;whilecyberspaceisafragileandprecariousspace,italsoaffordsopenings,momentswhenthinking,speaking,andactingdifferentlybecomepossiblebychallengingandresignifyingitsconventions.Thesearethemomentsthatwehighlighttoarguethatdigitalrightsarenotonlyaprojectofinscriptionsbutalsoenactment.
¿A qué somos llamados y cómo respondemos a ello? Esta pregunta ha sido parte tácita de lo que hacemos en el Data Week.
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digitalactsresignifyfourpoliticalquestionsabouttheInternet
anonymity, extensity, traceability, and velocity.
El primero y el tercero ha estado permanentemente en el discurso de colectivos a los que he estado vinculado (RedPaTodos, HackBo, Grafoscopio, etc)
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Wearguethatmakingrightsclaimsinvolvesnotonlyperformativebutalsolegalandimaginaryforces.Wethenarguethatdigitalactsinvolveconventionsthatincludenotonlywordsbutalsoimagesandsoundsandvariousactionssuchasliking,coding,clicking,downloading,sorting,blocking,andquerying.
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WedevelopourapproachtobeingdigitalcitizensbydrawingonMichelFoucaulttoarguethatsubjectsbecomecitizensthroughvariousprocessesofsubjectivationthatinvolverelationsbetweenbodiesandthingsthatconstitutethemassubjectsofpower.WefocusonhowpeopleenactthemselvesassubjectsofpowerthroughtheInternetandatthesametimebringcyberspaceintobeing.Wepositionthisunderstandingofsubjectivationagainstthatofinterpellation,whichassumesthatsubjectsarealwaysandalreadyformedandinhabitedbyexternalforces.Rather,wearguethatcitizensubjectsaresummonedandcalledupontoactthroughtheInternetand,assubjectsofpower,respondbyenactingthemselvesnotonlywithobedienceandsubmissionbutalsosubversion.
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whenweconsiderTwitter,forinstance,wecanask:Howdoconventionssuchasmicrobloggingplatformsconfigureactionsandcreatepossibilitiesfordigitalcitizenstoact?
Es curioso que los autores también se hayan enfocado en esta plataforma, como lo hemos hecho en los Data Week de manera reiterada.
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citizenshipasasiteofcontestationorsocialstruggleratherthanbundlesofgivenrightsandduties.[41]Itisanapproachthatunderstandsrightsasnotstaticoruniversalbuthistoricalandsituatedandarisingfromsocialstruggles.Thespaceofthisstruggleinvolvesthepoliticsofhowwebothshapeandareshapedbysociotechnicalarrangementsofwhichweareapart.Fromthisfollowsthatsubjectsembodyboththematerialandimmaterialaspectsofthesearrangementswheredistinctionsbetweenthetwobecomeuntenable.[42]Whowebecomeaspoliticalsubjects—orsubjectsofanykind,forthatmatter—isneithergivenordeterminedbutenactedbywhatwedoinrelationtoothersandthings.Ifso,beingdigitalandbeingcitizensaresimultaneouslytheobjectsandsubjectsofpoliticalstruggl
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Soratherthandefiningdigitalcitizensnarrowlyas‘thosewhohavetheabilitytoread,write,comprehend,andnavigatetextualinformationonlineandwhohaveaccesstoaffordablebroadband’or‘activecitizensonline’oreven‘Internetactivists’,weunderstanddigitalcitizensasthosewhomakedigitalrightsclaims,whichwewillelaborateinchapter2.
Estas definiciones instrumentales de ciudadanía se presentaban en proyectos del gobierno orientados al desarrollo instrumental de competencias computacionales (particularmente en la ofimática) y no en clave de derechos. Un lenguaje desde los derechos, podría no estar vinculado a la idea de estado nación.
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Butthefigureofcyberspaceisalsoabsentincitizenship
-> But the figure of cyberspace is also absent in citizenship studies as scholars have yet to find a way to conceive of the figure of the citizen beyond its modern configuration as a member of the nation-state. Consequently, when the acts of subjects traverse so many borders and involve a multiplicity of legal orders, identifying this political subject as a citizen becomes a fundamental challenge. So far, describing this traversing political subject as a global citizen or cosmopolitan citizen has proved difficult if not contentious.
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Toputitdifferently,thefigureofthecitizenisaproblemofgovernment:howtoengage,cajole,coerce,incite,invite,orbroadlyencourageittoinhabitformsofconductthatarealreadydeemedtobeappropriatetobeingacitizen.WhatislosthereisthefigureofthecitizenasanembodiedsubjectofexperiencewhoactsthroughtheInternetformakingrightsclaims.Wewillfurtherelaborateonthissubjectofmakingrightsclaims,butthefigureofthecitizenthatweimagineisnotmerelyabearerorrecipientofrightsthatalreadyexistbutonewhoseactivisminvolvesmakingclaimstorightsthatmayormaynotexist.
[...] This absence is evinced by the fact that the figure of the citizen is rarely, if ever, used to describe the acts of crypto- anarchists, cyberactivists, cypherpunks, hackers, hacktivists, whistle-blowers, and other political figures of cyberspace. It sounds almost outrageous if not perverse to call the political heroes of cyberspace as citizen subjects since the figure of the citizen seems to betray their originality, rebelliousness, and vanguardism, if not their cosmopolitanism. Yet the irony here is that this is exactly the figure of the citizen we inherit as a figure who makes rights claims. It is that figure that has been betrayed and shorn of all its radicality in the contemporary politics of the Internet. Instead, and more recently, the figure of the citizen is being lost to the figure of the human as recent developments in corporate and state data snooping and spying have exacerbated.
La crítica hecha a la perspectiva hacker por estar definida en oposición a lo gubernamental, no considera estos espacios donde lo hacker se ha adelantado al estado (Ley De Software Libre), pensando derechos nuevos y nuevos escenarios de lo convivial en nuestra relación mediada por la tecnología. Por supuesto, no podemos deshacernos del contexto urbano en el que nos desemvolvemos y de la presencia totalizante del estado y las instituciones, por lo cual interactuamos con él, pero no estamos definidos exclusivamente como personas, en dicha interacción (por afirmación u oposición).
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MarkPoster,forexample,arguesthattheseinvolvementsaregivingrisetonewpoliticalmovementsincyberspacewhosepoliticalsubjectsarenotcitizens,understoodasmembersofnation-states,butinsteadnetizens.[34]Byusingtheterm‘digitalcitizenship’asaheuristicconcept,NickCouldryandhiscolleaguesalsoillustratehowdigitalinfrastructuresunderstoodassocialrelationsandpracticesarecontributingtotheemergenceofaciviccultureasaconditionofcitizenship
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WhatisimportanttorecognizeisthatalthoughtheInternetmaynothavechangedpoliticsradicallyinthefifteenyearsthatseparatethesetwostudies,ithasradicallychangedthemeaningandfunctionofbeingcitizenswiththeriseofbothcorporateandstatesurveillance
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Moresignificantly,digitalstudiesspansbothsocialsciencesandhumanitiesaswellasscienceandtechnologystudiesandasksquestionsconcerningtherelationofdigitaltechnologiestosocialandculturalchange.
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First,bybringingthepoliticalsubjecttothecentreofconcern,weinterferewithdeterministanalysesoftheInternetandhyperbolicassertionsaboutitsimpactthatimaginesubjectsaspassivedatasubjects.Instead,weattendtohowpoliticalsubjectivitiesarealwaysperformedinrelationtosociotechnicalarrangementstothenthinkabouthowtheyarebroughtintobeingthroughtheInternet.[13]WealsointerferewithlibertariananalysesoftheInternetandtheirhyperbolicassertionsofsovereignsubjects.Wecontendthatifweshiftouranalysisfromhowwearebeing‘controlled’(asbothdeterministandlibertarianviewsagree)tothecomplexitiesof‘acting’—byforegroundingcitizensubjectsnotinisolationbutinrelationtothearrangementsofwhichtheyareapart—wecanidentifywaysofbeingnotsimplyobedientandsubmissivebutalsosubversive.Whileusuallyreservedforhigh-profilehacktivistsandwhistle-blowers,weask,howdosubjectsactinwaysthattransgresstheexpectationsofandgobeyondspecificconventionsandindoingsomakerightsclaimsabouthowtoconductthemselvesasdigitalcitizens
La idea de que estamos imbrincados en arreglos socio técnicos y que ellos son deconstriuidos, estirados y deconstruidos por los hackers a través de su quehacer material también implica que existe una conexión entre la forma en que los hackers deconstruyen la tecnología y la forma en que se configuran las ciudadanías mediadas por dichos arreglos sociotécnicos.
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Alongwiththesepoliticalsubjects,anewdesignationhasalsoemerged:digitalcitizens.Subjectssuchascitizenjournalists,citizenartists,citizenscientists,citizenphilanthropists,andcitizenprosecutorshavevariouslyaccompaniedit.[7]Goingbacktotheeuphoricyearsofthe1990s,JonKatzintroducedthetermtodescribegenerallythekindsofAmericanswhowereactiveontheInternet.[8]ForKatz,peoplewereinventingnewwaysofconductingthemselvespoliticallyontheInternetandweretranscendingthestraitjacketofatleastAmericanelectoralpoliticscaught
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Moreover,withthedevelopmentoftheInternetofthings—ourphones,watches,dishwashers,fridges,cars,andmanyotherdevicesbeingalwaysalreadyconnectedtotheInternet—wenotonlydothingswithwordsbutalsodowordswiththings.
These connected devices generate enormous volumes of data about our movements, locations, activities, interests, encounters,and private and public relationships through which we become data subjects.
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IftheInternet—or,moreprecisely,howweareincreasinglyactingthroughtheInternet—ischangingourpoliticalsubjectivity,whatdowethinkaboutthewayinwhichweunderstandourselvesaspoliticalsubjects,subjectswhohaverightstospeech,access,andprivacy,rightsthatconstituteusaspolitical,asbeingswithresponsibilitiesandobligations?
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AsRonaldDeibertrecentlysuggested,whiletheInternetusedtobecharacterizedasanetworkofnetworksitisperhapsmoreappropriatenowtoseeitasanetworkoffiltersandchokepoints.[4]ThestruggleoverthethingswesayanddothroughtheInternetisnowapoliticalstruggleofourtimes,andsoistheInternetitself.
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EvgenyMorozov’sTheNetDelusion(2011),Turkle’sownAloneTogether(2011),orJamieBartlett’sTheDarkNet(2014)strikemuchmoresombre,ifnotworried,moods.WhileMorozovdrawsattentiontotheconsequencesofgivingupdatainreturnforso-calledfreeservices,Turkledrawsattentiontohowpeoplearegettinglostintheirdevices.BartlettdrawsattentiontowhatishappeningincertainareasoftheInternetwhenpushedunderground(removedfromaccessviasearchengines)andthusgivingrisetonewformsofvigilantismandextremism.PerhapsthespyingandsnoopingbycorporationsandstatesintowhatpeoplesayanddothroughtheInternethasbecomeawatershedevent.
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ThatformanypeopleAaronSwartz,Anonymous,DDoS,EdwardSnowden,GCHQ,JulianAssange,LulzSec,NSA,PirateBay,PRISM,orWikiLeakshardlyrequireintroductionisyetfurtherevidence.Thatpresidentsandfootballerstweet,hackersleaknudephotos,andmurderersandadvertisersuseFacebookorthatpeopleposttheirsexactsarenotsocontroversialasjustrecognizableeventsofourtimes.ThatAirbnbdisruptsthehospitalityindustryorUberthetaxiindustryistakenforgranted.ItcertainlyfeelslikesayinganddoingthingsthroughtheInternethasbecomeaneverydayexperiencewithdangerouspossibilities.
Tags
- sumisión
- computerization
- ciudadanías otras
- contestación
- popularización
- alcance
- poder
- bifurcación
- materialidades
- imbricación
- vigilantismo
- anonimato
- protesta
- hackeable
- tesis: hackerspaces
- enactive citizenship
- repolitización
- subjetividades
- convivialidad
- ciudadanía
- data activism
- dicotomías
- diversidad
- bienes comunes
- hackerspaces
- disenso
- privacy
- vigilance
- imaginación
- obediencia
- ciberespacio
- governance
- espacios
- comunidad de práctica
- tesis: recomendaciones
- Kittler
- velocidad
- poder disciplinario
- idea clave
- QOTD
- sujeto
- autocensura
- contradicciones
- subversión
- estado-nación
- cibernética
- self description
- distopia
- control
- self governance
- tesis
- lenguaje
- poder soberano
- prácticas
- performance
- digital acts
- trazabilidad
- self referential
- politics
- digital studies
- digital citizenship
- infraestructura
- diálogo de materialidades
- infraestructuras de bolsillo
- definition
- dispocisiones
- tesis: marco teórico
- data week
- tesis: resultados
- kanban: por hacer
- forces of subjectivation
- microblogging
- derechos
- self empowerment
- amoldable
- juegos de lenguaje
Annotators
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www.thesociologicalreview.com www.thesociologicalreview.com
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Theoretically informed sociological analyses of digital life can challenge the often implicit assumptions of those approaches which reinscribe divisions between humans and technologies, online and offline lives, agency and structure, and freedom and control. While these may be old dichotomies for some, they continue to have force and need to be challenged.
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While much attention is reserved for whistleblowers and hactivists as the vanguards of Internet rights, there are many more anonymous political subjects of the Internet who are not only making rights claims by saying things but also by doing things through the Internet.
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Like other social spaces that sociologists study, cyberspace is not designed and arranged and then experienced by passive subjects. Like the physical spaces of cities that geographers have long studied, it is a space that is bought into being by citizen subjects who act in ways that submit to but also at the same time go beyond and transgress the conventions of the Internet. In doing so they are not simply obedient and submissive but also subversive and participate in the making of and rights claims to cyberspace through their digital acts.
Interesante la idea de construir mapas de esas cibergeografías. Esta podría ser la cita para el capítulo de visualizaciones.
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Such a conception moves us away from how we are being ‘liberated’ or ‘controlled’ to the complexities of ‘acting’ through the Internet where much of what makes it up is seemingly beyond the knowledge and consent of citizen subjects. To be sure, one cannot act in isolation but only in relation to the mediations, regulations and monitoring of the platforms, devices, and algorithms or more generally the conventions that format, organize and order what we do, how we relate, act, interact, and transact through the Internet. But it is here between and among these distributed relations that we can identify a space of possibility—a cyberspace perhaps—that is being brought into being by the acts of myriad subjects.
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The problem is that popular critics have become too concerned about the Internet creating obedient subjects to power rather than understanding that it is also creating submissive subjects of power who are potentially and demonstrably capable of subversion. I believe that addressing the question I posed at the beginning requires revisiting the question of the (political) subject. By reading Michel Foucault, Etienne Balibar conceived of the citizen as not merely a subject to power or subject of power but as embodying both. Balibar argued that being a subject to power involves domination by and obedience to a sovereign whereas being a subject of power involves being an agent of power even if this requires participating in one’s own submission. However, it is this participation that opens up the possibility of subversion and this is what distinguishes the citizen from the subject: she is a composite subject of obedience, submission, and subversion where all three are always-present dynamic potentialities.
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. Fellows particularly advocate for improved transparency and improved effectiveness of local government services through open government data (Maruyama, Douglas, and Robertson 2013). After finishing the year fellows pursue a range of non- and for-profit career paths
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Altering the infrastructure for governance marks CfA as different from other progressive organizations focused on, for example, electoral politics or youth mobilization. Participation entails personalized involvement where individuals create or alter digital infrastructures to support community need
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Local file Local file
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The benefit of these spaces is best summed up as flexibility. Members are supported as they join the space, become peripheral participants, and potentially, become longstanding members engaged in ongoing projects. Hacking, like art, becomes not the domain of the elite or reified objects but intimately tied with everyday experiences throughout one's life (Dewey, 1934). The pragmatic devotion of HMSs to recursive problem-solving attracts members who see HMSs bringing informal education and collaborative sociality to their city. In interviews GeekSpace members freely offered beliefs about why they saw HMSs as vital to reforming their city at large. Flexibility, exercised through the constant churn of hands-on work on projects, was coupled with optimism for making a better future. Kligler-Vilenchik et al. (2012) describe a similar desire in civically-minded youth organizations as a "wish to help" (para. 1.5), a form of engagement more familiar to volunteerism than hackers that exert their collective power through protest or software (Coleman, 2012; Sauters, 2013). Above all else, this optimism drives HMS members as they seek to reframe what hacking and making can accomplish.
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democratization of hacking itself. This claim, however, threatens to unrealistically situate hackerspaces as paragons of learning and overly central to hacker culture at large, and democracy as a panacea. As discussed, GeekSpace was not without exclusion that operated in spite of its official ideology. Further, GeekSpace was constantly being re-built around individual conflicts, organizational collaborations, and cultural shifts. Returning to revisit the question of collectivity itself, the emphasis of the collective is on maximizing perceptions of individual agency through material and social encounters. This harkens back to Thomas' (2011) observation that "collectives provide tools for the unique and individual expression of identity within the collective itself'' (p. 2) and is why "community," which works quite oppositely, is likely the wrong form of social structure at work. HMSs provide a context for a negotiated sociality -sometimes warm conversations, frequently simply co-working. This provides a physical example of Turkle's (1985) observation that, online, "hacker culture is a culture of loners who are never alone" (p. 196). The failure of the first incarnation of GeekSpace was, in the eyes of members, an abundance of socialization.
Esta preferencia por la soledad también se ha visto en HackBo, así como la tensión entre lo individual y lo colectivo. Los proyectos hacen que el hackerspace funcione, pero no está claro como lo proyectan más allá de su estado actual, particularmente en lo que se refiere a ayudar a su sostenibilidad en el tiempo.
La existencia de un hackerspace no democratiza la noción de hacking, a pesar de hacerla cotidiana. La democracia, de hecho no es cotidiana, si se piensa que cristaliza sólo cada 4 años con las votaciones y de resto consiste en la queja generalizada sobre lo que hacen los gobernantes, sin vigilancia, ni control por parte de los ciudadanos. Nuevas formas de ciudadanía podrían ser articuladas en espacios como estos, desde el cotidiano.
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