In Mexico, the war on drugs was closely tied to US-Mexican relations, with the US exerting significant influence over Mexican drug policy. The Mexican government's efforts to prohibit drugs were often unsuccessful, and the country's drug trade continued to thrive

1940 Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanías in Mexico were key milestones in this process.

For example, in Mexico, the association between the Chinese and opium led to xenophobic attitudes towards drug use.

Mexico, with its own history of demonizing intoxicants and imposing laws to curb their distribution and abuse, was already in compliance with the Hague Convention's mandates and had created domestic laws that were harsher and more far-reaching than what was required by international law.

Marijuana, on the other hand, was thoroughly demonized and eventually prohibited in 1920 as a drug that threatened to "degenerate the race."

dawn of independence in 1821, Mexico already had a long tradition of anti-drug rhetoric and regulatory mechanisms designed to curb "drug abuse." The situation continued to evolve, with the impermanence and flux of modernity inspiring both widespread concern about the harms of intoxicants and widespread use of them.

In Mexico, the creation of pariah drugs was a long-term process that involved various factors, including colonial conflicts, social prejudice, nationalism, economic interests, state-building, geopolitics, transnational intellectual currents, professional interests, and concerns about drug use and abuse.

arbitrary cultural taboo

weed is commonly used among the old Mexican soldiers it is probable that El Paso became infected from that source.

cholars predict that marijuana smuggling from the US to Mexico will continue if Mexico's laws remain stricter than those in the US.

Traditional folk medical practices in Mexico may have also played a role in the demand for marijuana.

The drug's reputation as a "killer weed" was likely influenced by Mexican ideas about marijuana, which associated it with violence, madness, and crime.

This decline in agricultural produc-tion, coupled with a sheer reduction in wages due toa lack of labor and regulatory standards in the agree-ment, created over 1.3 million lost jobs in the Mexicanagricultural sector alone, leading to an unprecedentedlevel of immigration into the United States

fol-lowing the signing of NAFTA there has been a drasticincrease in the number of Mexican immigrants arriv-ing to the United States through the Southern Border

Esto es relevante en un paísmarcado por un conflicto armado no reconocido formalmente

Lo que el Estado mexicano argumentaba ante la Corte IDH contrastabadirectamente con lo que dentro del país se debatía y aprobaba en el ámbito legislativo. Como se presentó en el apartado del contexto y antecedentes, en el 2007 México ya contaba con una legislación administrativaque armonizaba cabalmente con la Convención Belém do Pará. El concepto de violencia contra las mujeres se distinguía claramente del de violencia familiar y del de violencia generalizada, que podían observarse enlos tipos penales comunes y en las leyes de seguridad pública.

A esto se suma que en el 2001 se reformó la Constitución paraprohibir la discriminación y en el 2003 se creó el Consejo Nacionalpara Prevenir y Erradicar la Discriminación (Conapred)

I am Cuauhtémoc

  *' de Seguridad Pública admitió que “no hay una sola zona del país donde no haya expresión del crimen organizado”. 59

Del control centralizado a la soberanía fragmentada: narcotráfico y Estado en México

Vista aisladamente, ninguna ac-ción campesina del sexenio pasadoresulta excepcional; las grandes to-mas de tierras tienen antecedentescercanos en las invasiones que em-prende la UGO CM de JacintoLópez durante 1958 en Sonora, oen la ocupación de 40,000 has. delos valles de Michapa y El Gua-rín en Morelos por 4,000 campe-sinos encabezados por Rubén Ja-ramillo en 1961. En cuanto a lasmarchas campesinas, ya AlvaroRíos había promovido en

Mirriam also struggled as an adult English learner. A Spanish language teacher and the owner of a Spanish language school for school-age children, Mirriam immigrated to Oregon after completing two years of college in Mexico.

national copyright legislation

Anne: Were you living in that rural area before you left?Juan: No, before I left, I was living here in Mexico City, but not in the center. I was living in the outside of the center, where they were barely making houses. In a way it is, as well, rural parts because the conditions that we lived in weren't the best. We did have a roof over our heads and we did have food, but things could have been better when I was younger.

Anne: Yeah.Ben: Them shelters can't possibly hold all them people, they can't. And so, all these people running around—they're running around the monument right now—laying there around. I see them laying around, the same people laying on the streets. But here in Mexico City, it's not that bad. You go to the border and the border cities where all along the Texas border, those are main dumping grounds for ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement]. All these border detentions that are on the border states, they're daily buses are driving and dumping people off. Detentions from up north, they wait until they fill up a plane, or planes, then they ship them. But here, they catch. It's every day they're dumping people. And there’s gotta be something done about that. I think that there's assistance for just about any and everything else. I do think that it would be in the best interest of the government to assist deportees that are coming back. It would probably save them a lot of money—it'd probably save them more to get them home and give them a little bit of cash, give them a bus ticket home to where they're from, and it would be a lot less expensive than all the chaos that's going on right now.Anne: Seems that the US also has really ignored the whole problem, the families that they're breaking up.Ben: Yeah.Anne: You've thought about that, in terms of US policy, ways that they can eliminate the hardship that your family is going through because you're here?Ben: Yeah.Anne: I mean not just the financial, emotional but everything. And it seems like it’s not even in the equation.Ben: Yes, that's true, that's not even in the equation. [Pause]. That's tough. But yes, I think [Pause] that [Pause] they're not looking at individual cases when looking at this immigration issue. I mean if they really, if the immigration person were really doing their job, then the judge did his job and really take the time to look at each individual case, some of these separations wouldn't happen. But they're not doing that, to me they're just trying to pile up numbers. I know many a case where…Just an example, one gentleman, taking care of his family, has residency, he's a legal resident. One DWI and it's over with, he's gone.Anne: He's a legal resident?Ben: A legal resident. One DWI and that's it, he's gone. And I've known of others that had up to three and they're still there. I know some that have felonies and they're still there. Then one DWI, that's not being fair. The biggest injustice I think is going after all these Dreamers and using the information that they filled out on their DACA paperwork to go track them down. I agree that there has to be some type of people should be picked up, but they're not chasing those people. They're going for the easy numbers because, you know what? Those guys they don't have paperwork where they can go pick them up, they’re not going to school here, going there. It's harder to catch them, so you know what? We can drum up 10-15,000 people right here, beef our numbers up. We got the addresses, let's just go get them.Ben: And that's kind of what they're doing, not really doing their job. Just to say that “We're doing something.” With 9/11, I remember that they, within the first few days, 20 something hundred arrests that they were attributing as terrorist arrests. But you know who they were picking up? They were picking up Mexicans most of them. It was not 20 something hundred Middle Easterners. But regardless, they were numbers. They had to show that they were doing something. But that's that [Chuckles].Ben: The US, there's a lot that they could be doing, because they can deport 100,000, but they know they gotta replace those 100,000 for the workforce. One thing I know is I know the ins and outs of labor in the US. That is one thing that I do know. And I do know that there's unwritten policies that look the other way, look the other way while we get this done. We need this done, look the other way. Hurricane Katrina was one, we had immigration, immigration was about the only police patrolling the area at the time and they weren't bothering anybody—it was hands off until they get this cleaned up. And once all the toxic clean-up was out of the way, then they started to enforce, but still not full force again.Ben: So, there's a lot to the government, part to blame there. Instead of locking them up, they should really create some type of labor program.Anne: People can come and go.Ben: People can come, instead of coming across and, to me, instead of somebody going to work over there and pay $6,000 to a coyote, they could pay $1,500 at a processing center to apply and get placed in a job by the US government legally. But you know what? US government don't wanna do that, because they want to keep them costs down. And so, does private business, they need to keep them costs down. It's like, would you like to pay $30 for a Big Mac? [Laughs].Anne: You’re saying that McDonald's is just using a lot of undocumented and paying them really?Ben: Well the whole concept of migrant labor, the migrant labor force, is to keep the cost of products down and housing as well. If it wasn't for migrant labor and this underground labor networks that are operating, a $250,000 house would've probably cost you a million. And a lot of people wouldn't be able to, a lot of people can't afford a $200,000 house [Chuckles].Anne: No. Well I thank you very much.Ben: Thank you all for coming, coming to help us out and spread the news.Anne: You’ve probably been asked this question, but do you consider yourself an American? A Mexican?Ben: You know, honestly deep inside, American. That's how I've always felt. But right now, after this happened, it's like have you ever, there was a book called The Man with No Country, are you familiar with that?Anne: Yeah.Ben: That's, when I was deported, that's the first thing that, that's what came to my mind, The Man with No Country, not here, not there, not accepted here, not accepted over there. And when I got here it's like, no paperwork, no drivers, no identification, and I had a harder time getting a driver's license, getting my voter registration—which is the main source of ID here—the toughest time here then I did getting ID in the United States. And I was illegal in the United States and I was able to, anything I needed, I could get over there. And here, I'm here, I had a hard time. It took me a few months.Anne: It's really too bad.Ben: Yeah. Kind of rough. I don't know if it had been easier here, in the big city, but over there it was pretty rough, hard getting around.Anne: Well, I wish you the best of luck.Ben: Oh, thank you—Anne: I think that you're, you think you're going to be fine, so I think you're going to be fine. And you must be very proud of your family, they seem really great.Ben: Oh, I am, they're going, they're moving forward, that was the purpose of heading that way.

Anita: How old are you Ivan?Ivan: How old? I'm twenty-seven years old.Anita: You were born in Mexico?Ivan: Yes. I was born in Mexico.Anita: Where in Mexico?Ivan: In the city of Mexico.

In Mexico, it's really hard to get an opportunity. A lot of people are where they are because they know someone [Laughs] or because they've paid to be there and it's really hard trying to be what they would say, the working class. Trying to work your way to a point where you know you're successful and you can say, "I've done a lot of things." But if you're not the cousin of the owner, or if you're not a family member related to somebody in power, it's like you don't have a chance.

I told my dad, "Dad, remember the last time you told me that it was this," he started laughing like in my face, like, "Oh, what are you talking about?"

So, yeah. Hopefully I'll find something. They actually told me they had some openings here, but if that doesn't work out, I know I could always go back to Teletech. Hopefully something's got to give.

My dad's family is on the wealthier side and a little bit on the powerful side, and my mom has no money nor connections, and she's poor. When they were divorcing, by the end of their marriage—I think it was the most awful marriage that I've seen—he was threatening her with taking us away and completely … you know she would never see us ever, so like a thief in the night, she grabbed my two sisters and I and she moved us to the States.

Private post-secondary institutions that provide educational services in the State of New Mexico are subject to either the New Mexico Post-Secondary Educational Institution Act (Section 21-23-1 et seq. NMSA 1978) or the Interstate Distance Education Act (Section 21-23B-1 et seq. NMSA 1978) and can use this site to apply for State Authorization or submit other required applications to comply with State regulations. Students may request transcripts of closed schools where the New Mexico Higher Education Department is the designated custodian of records or may file complaints against any post-secondary institution that provides educational services in our State.

La Corte IDH ordena al Estado realizar una investigación exhaustiva de los hechos, que incluya a todas las formas de responsabilidad a nivel federal y estatal, sentando un precedente importante al explicitar que el Estado mexicano tiene el deber de esclarecer la participación de la cadena de mando. En relación con los actos cometidos contra las mujeres de Atenco, reconoce que la violencia del operativo utilizó la violencia sexual como práctica represiva. En este sentido,la  Corte ordena al Estado, entre otras cosas, implementar medidas de atención a las mujeres y también para revertir las condiciones que permiten hasta hoy la comisión de tortura sexual y represión policiaca. Como ha sido reconocido por la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, las sentencias de la Corte IDH son de carácter vinculante para México, por lo que el Estado está obligado

anulada

Al aproximarse al rancho de Guzmán por primera vez, Flores dijo estar muy nervioso y ponerse aún más tenso al ver en el camino el cadáver de un hombre desnudo atado con cadenas a un árbol.

Penchyna Grub asumió la Dirección General del Infonavit el 29 de febrero de 2016 y entregó el cargo el pasado 30 de noviembre. Penchyna, quien fue uno de los priistas encargados de sacar la Reforma Energética del Presidente Peña Nieto en 2013

“El Juez debe tomar en cuenta que Guillermo Padrés se presentó voluntariamente ante la autoridad, a fin responder sobre las acusaciones que se habían presentado en su contra, elemento que consideramos que debe ser considerado por el poder Judicial. Lleva dos años en prisión y siguen sin acreditarse los señalamientos en su contra”, expuso el vocero del PAN.

The plan, called “Remain in Mexico,” amounts to a major break with current screening procedures, which generally allow those who establish a fear of return to their home countries to avoid immediate deportation and remain in the United States until they can get a hearing with an immigration judge.

Segmentación por MercadoMéxico 2011

I believe in the sweetness of Jesus And Buddha - I believe, In St. Francis, Avaloki Tesvara,

he later returned to Mexico and formed his own military force known as Division del Norte (Division of the North).

Mexico’s 2015 population survey, released Dec. 8, counted 1.38 million people of African heritage, representing 1.2% of the country’s population (link in Spanish.) Most live in three coastal states, including Guerrero, where they account for nearly 7% of the population, and overall they are poorer and less educated than the national average, Mexico’s census bureau (INEGI by its acronym in Spanish) has found.

Latin America's past of slavery and colonization is linked to anti-black racism, which some countries have tried to fight with anti-discrimination and affirmative action policies. Denying the existence of the black population by not counting them in the national census is one major way structural racism plays out in Latin American countries although anti-blackness is a pervasive issue in other issues, as well.

Taking on Corruption in Latin America

Ancient tunnels discovered underneath Mexican city of Puebla